{
  "document_id": "lb_hotpotqa_9303f959145f198df63d2d7ec604a9d6efcb3e8daca89e91",
  "family": "public_hotpotqa",
  "split": "dev",
  "text": "Passage 1:\nBennington Triangle\n\"Bennington Triangle\" is a phrase coined by American author Joseph A. Citro to denote an area of southwestern Vermont within which a number of people went missing between 1945 and 1950. This was further popularized in two books, including Shadow Child, in which Citro devoted chapters to discussion of these disappearances and various items of folklore surrounding the area. According to Citro, the area shares characteristics with the Bridgewater Triangle in Southeastern Massachusetts.\nPrecisely what area is encompassed in this hypothetical \"mystery triangle\" is not clear, but it is purportedly centered on Glastenbury Mountain and would include some or most of the area of the towns immediately surrounding it, especially Bennington, Woodford, Shaftsbury, and Somerset. Glastenbury and its neighboring township Somerset were both once moderately thriving logging and industrial towns, but began declining toward the late 19th century and are now essentially ghost towns, unincorporated by an act of the Vermont General Assembly in 1937.\nAccording to Citro's books, stories of strange happenings had been told about Glastonbury and the surrounding area for many years, the best-known of which is probably that of the disappearance of Paula Jean Welden.\n\nReported disappearances\nMiddie Rivers (1945)\nBetween 1945 and 1950, five people disappeared in the area surrounding Bennington, Vermont. The first disappearance occurred on November 12, 1945, when 74-year-old Middie Rivers disappeared while out hunting, in the vicinity of Long Trail Road and Vermont Route 9. Rivers was on a weekend hunting trip with four other hunters up the mountains. The morning of November 12, 1945, Rivers and his son-in-law, Joe Lauzon, were walking together before reaching a fork. Rivers and Lauzon would separate here with Rivers telling Lauzon he'd \"only be going a short distance\" before he would join them at camp for lunch. As 3pm had come and gone, the rest of the hunting party would begin searching before getting authorities. An extensive search was conducted, but the only evidence discovered was a single rifle cartridge that was found in a stream. The speculation was that Rivers had leaned over and the cartridge had dropped out of his pocket into the water. Rivers was an experienced outdoorsman who was familiar with the local area.\n\nPaula Welden (1946)\nPaula Jean Welden, aged 18, disappeared on December 1, 1946. Welden, a sophomore at Bennington College, had set out for a hike on the Long Trail. Many saw her depart, including Ernest Whitman, a Bennington Banner employee who gave her directions. She was not wearing a jacket during her journey; it was 50 °F outside, later dropping to 9 °F. Welden was alleged to have been seen on the trail itself by an elderly couple who were about 100 yards (91 m) behind her. According to them, she turned a corner in the trail, and when they reached the same corner she had disappeared. An extensive search was conducted, which included the posting of a $5,000 reward and help from the FBI, but no evidence of her was ever found. Welden's disappearance was the inspiration for the 1951 novel Hangsaman by Shirley Jackson.\n\nJames Tedford (1949)\nJames E. Tedford, a veteran, allegedly went missing on December 1, 1949, three years to the day after Welden was last seen. Tedford, a resident of the Bennington Soldiers' Home, had been in St. Albans visiting relatives and was accompanied to a local bus station, which was the last location where he was seen. According to witnesses, Tedford got on the bus and was still aboard at the last stop before arriving in Bennington. Somewhere between the last stop and Bennington, he vanished. His belongings were still in the luggage rack and an open bus timetable was on his vacant seat. Tony Jinks discusses this claim, saying that \"The popular conception is that he vanished into thin air while on the bus, but like many missing person stories there's a gap between when he was last seen and when he was reported missing a week or so later. Regarding Tedford's disappearance, there's enough evidence to suggest he didn’t \"dematerialize,” even though no trace of him was ever found.\"\n\nPaul Jepson (1950)\nOn October 12, 1950, Paul Jepson, aged 8, had accompanied his mother in a truck. She left her son unattended for about an hour while she fed some pigs. When she returned, her son was nowhere in sight. Search parties were formed to look for the child. Nothing was ever found, though Jepson was wearing a bright red jacket that should have made him more visible. According to one story, bloodhounds tracked the boy to a local highway where, according to local legend, Welden had disappeared four years earlier.\n\nFrieda Langer (1950)\nOn October 28, 1950, sixteen days after Jepson had vanished, Frieda Langer, aged 53, and her cousin, Herbert Elsner, left their family campsite near the Somerset Reservoir to go on a hike. During the journey, Langer slipped and fell into a stream. She told Elsner if he would wait, she would go back to the campsite, change clothes and catch up to him. When she did not return, Elsner made his way back to the campsite and discovered that Frieda Langer had not returned, and that nobody had seen her since they had left. Over the next two weeks, five searches were conducted, involving aircraft, helicopters, and up to 300 searchers. No trace of Langer was found during the search.\nOn May 12, 1951, Frieda Langer's body was found three and a half miles from the campsite in the eastern branch of the Deerfield River, an area that had been only lightly searched seven months previously. No cause of death could be determined because of the condition of her remains. No direct connections have been identified that tie these cases together, other than the general geographic area and time period.\n\nIn popular culture\nThe Bennington Triangle was discussed in Season 3, Episode 8 of the television program William Shatner's Weird or What? The episode, entitled \"Mysterious Vanishings,\" first aired on July 23, 2012.The events of 1945 to 1950 are told in episode 67 of Lore, titled \"The Red Coats\".The Bennington Triangle was featured as one of the haunted locations in the paranormal TV series Most Terrifying Places in America which aired on the Travel Channel in 2018. The episode, title \"Unnatural World\" told the stories about the reportedly missing persons in a five-year span, and local lore of the \"Bennington Monster\", a Bigfoot-like creature that supposedly roams these wooded areas.The Bennington Triangle is discussed in Episode 374 of the podcast My Favorite Murder. The Episode aired on April 13, 2023.  Robert Singley, a 27 year old Bennington College student got lost in Bennington Triangle but found safe by Vermont State Police in 2008.\nPassage 2:\nVan Arkel–Ketelaar triangle\nBond triangles or Van Arkel–Ketelaar triangles (named after Anton Eduard van Arkel and J. A. A. Ketelaar) are triangles used for showing different compounds in varying degrees of ionic, metallic and covalent bonding.\n\nHistory\nIn 1941 Van Arkel recognised three extreme materials and associated bonding types. Using 36 main group elements, such as metals, metalloids and non-metals, he placed ionic, metallic and covalent bonds on the corners of an equilateral triangle, as well as suggested intermediate species. The bond triangle shows that chemical bonds are not just particular bonds of a specific type. Rather, bond types are interconnected and different compounds have varying degrees of different bonding character (for example, covalent bonds with significant ionic character are called polar covalent bonds).\nSix years later, in 1947, Ketelaar developed van Arkel's idea by adding more compounds and placing bonds on different sides of the triangle.\nMany people developed the triangle idea. Some (e.g. Allen's quantitative triangle) used electron configuration energy as an atom parameter, others (Jensen's quantitative triangle, Norman's quantitative triangle) used electronegativity of compounds. Nowadays, electronegativity triangles are mostly used to rate the chemical bond type.\n\nUsage\nDifferent compounds that obey the octet rule (sp-elements) and hydrogen can be placed on the triangle. Unfortunately, d-elements cannot be analysed using van Arkel-Ketelaar triangle, as their electronegativity is so high that it is taken as a constant. Using electronegativity - two compound average electronegativity on x-axis and electronegativity difference on y-axis, we can rate the dominant bond between the compounds. Example is here\nOn the right side (from ionic to covalent) should be compounds with varying difference in electronegativity. The compounds with equal electronegativity, such as Cl2 (chlorine) are placed in the covalent corner, while the ionic corner has compounds with large electronegativity difference, such as NaCl (table salt). The bottom side (from metallic to covalent) contains compounds with varying degree of directionality in the bond.\nAt one extreme is metallic bonds with delocalized bonding and the other are covalent bonds in which the orbitals overlap in a particular direction. The left side (from ionic to metallic) is meant for delocalized bonds with varying electronegativity difference.\n\nSee also\nCovalent bonding\nIonic bonding\nMetallic bonding\nAtomic orbitals\nHund's rules\nTernary plot\n\nExternal links\nVan Arkel–Ketelaar Triangles of Bonding\nPassage 3:\nUrban agriculture\nUrban agriculture refers to various practices of cultivating, processing, and distributing food in urban areas. The term also applies to the area activities of animal husbandry, aquaculture, beekeeping, and horticulture in an urban context. Urban agriculture is distinguished from peri-urban agriculture, which takes place in rural areas at the edge of suburbs.Urban agriculture can appear at varying levels of economic and social development. It can involve a movement of organic growers, \"foodies\" and \"locavores,\" who seek to form social networks founded on a shared ethos of nature and community holism. These networks can develop by way of formal institutional support, becoming integrated into local town planning as a \"transition town\" movement for sustainable urban development. For others, food security, nutrition, and income generation are key motivations for the practice. In either case, the more direct access to fresh vegetable, fruit, and meat products that may be realised through urban agriculture can improve food security and food safety.\n\nHistory\nSome of the first evidence of urban agriculture comes from Mesopotamia. Farmers would set aside small plots of land for farming within the city's walls. (3500BC) In Persia's semi-desert towns, oases were fed through aqueducts carrying mountain water to support intensive food production, nurtured by wastes from the communities. In Machu Picchu, water was conserved and reused as part of the stepped architecture of the city, and vegetable beds were designed to gather sun in order to prolong the growing season.\n The idea of supplemental food production beyond rural farming operations and distant imports is not new. It was used during war and depression times when food shortage issues arose, as well as during times of relative abundance. Allotment gardens emerged in Germany in the early 19th century as a response to poverty and food insecurity.In 1893, citizens of a depression-struck Detroit were asked to use vacant lots to grow vegetables. They were nicknamed Pingree's Potato Patches after the mayor, Hazen S. Pingree, who came up with the idea. He intended for these gardens to produce income, food supply, and boost independence during times of hardship. Victory gardens sprouted during WWI and WWII and were fruit, vegetable, and herb gardens in the US, Canada, and UK. This effort was undertaken by citizens to reduce pressure on food production that was to support the war effort.\nDuring World War I, President Woodrow Wilson called upon all American citizens to utilize any available open food growth, seeing this as a way to pull them out of a potentially damaging situation. Since most of Europe was consumed with war, they were unable to produce sufficient food supplies to be shipped to the US and a new plan was implemented with the goal of feeding the US and even supply a surplus to other countries in need. By 1919, over 5 million plots were growing food and over 500 million pounds of produce was harvested.\n\nA very similar practice came into use during the Great Depression that provided a purpose, job and food to those who would otherwise be without anything during such harsh times. These efforts helped raise spirits and boost economic growth. Over 2.8 million dollars worth of food was produced from the subsistence gardens during the Depression. By World War II, the War/Food Administration set up a National Victory Garden Program that set out to systematically establish functioning agriculture within cities. With this new plan in action, as many as 5.5 million Americans took part in the victory garden movement and over nine million pounds of fruit and vegetables were grown a year, accounting for 44% of US-grown produce throughout that time.\n\nMain types\nThere is no overarching term for agricultural plots in urban areas.  Gardens and farms, while not easy to define, are the two main types. According to the USDA, a farm is \"any place from which $1,000 or more of agricultural products were produced and sold.\" In Europe, the term \"city farm\" is used to include gardens and farms.Any plot with produce being grown in it can be considered an urban farm.  Size does not matter, it is more about growing produce on your own in your personal plot or garden.\n\nGardens\nMany communities make community gardening accessible to the public, providing space for citizens to cultivate plants for food, recreation and education. In many cities, small plots of land and also rooftops are used for community members to garden. Community gardens give citizens the opportunity to learn about horticulture through trial and error and get a better understanding of the process of producing food and other plants. All while still being able to feed those people in need from the community.  It holds as both a learning experience as well as a means of help for those people in need.  A community gardening program that is well-established is Seattle's P-Patch. The grassroots permaculture movement has been hugely influential in the renaissance of urban agriculture throughout the world. During the 1960s a number of community gardens were established in the United Kingdom, influenced by the community garden movement in the United States. Bristol's Severn Project was established in 2010 for £2500 and provides 34 tons of produce per year, employing people from disadvantaged backgrounds.\n\nFarms\nThe first urban agriculture method of growing occurs when family farms maintain their land as thr city grows around it. City farms/Urban farms are agricultural plots in urban areas, that have people working with animals and plants to produce food. They are usually community-run gardens seeking to improve community relationships and offer an awareness of agriculture and farming to people who live in urbanized areas. Although the name says urban, urban farming does not have to be in the urban area, it can be in the backyard of a house, or the rooftop of an apartment building.  They are important sources of food security for many communities around the globe. City farms vary in size from small plots in private yards to larger farms that occupy a number of acres. In 1996, a United Nations report estimated there are over 800 million people worldwide who grow food and raise livestock in cities.  Although some city farms have paid employees, most rely heavily on volunteer labour, and some are run by volunteers alone. Other city farms operate as partnerships with local authorities.\nAn early city farm was set up in 1972 in Kentish Town, London. It combines farm animals with gardening space, an addition inspired by children's farms in the Netherlands. Other city farms followed across London and the United Kingdom. In Australia, several city farms exist in various capital cities. In Melbourne, the Collingwood Children's Farm was established in 1979 on the Abbotsford Precinct Heritage Farmlands (the APHF), the oldest continually farmed land in Victoria, farmed since 1838.\nIn 2010, New York City saw the building and opening of the world's largest privately owned and operated rooftop farm, followed by an even larger location in 2012. Both were a result of municipal programs such as The Green Roof Tax Abatement Program and Green Infrastructure Grant Program.In Singapore, hydroponic rooftop farms (which also rely on vertical farming) are appearing. The goal behind these is to rejuvenate areas and workforces that have thus far been marginalized. Simultaneously top level pesticide-free produce will be grown and harvested.\n\nPerspectives\nResource and economic\nThe Urban Agriculture Network has defined urban agriculture as:\n\nAn industry that produces, processes, and markets food, fuel, and other outputs, largely \nin response to the daily demand of consumers within a town, city, or metropolis, many types of privately and publicly held land and water bodies were found throughout intra-urban and \nperi-urban areas. Typically urban agriculture applies intensive production methods, frequently using and reusing natural resources and urban wastes, to yield a diverse array of land-, water-, and air-based fauna and flora contributing to food security, health, livelihood, and environment of the individual, household, and community.\n\nWith rising urbanization, food resources in urban areas are less accessible than in rural areas. This disproportionately affects the poorest communities, and the lack of food access and increased risk of malnutrition has been linked to socioeconomic inequities. Economic barriers to food access are linked to capitalist market structures and lead to \"socioeconomic inequities in food choices\", \"less... healthful foods\", and phenomena such as food deserts. Additionally, racialized systems of governance of urban poor communities facilitates the increasing prominence of issues such as unemployment, poverty, access to health, educational and social resources, including a community's access to healthy food.\nToday, some cities have much vacant land due to urban sprawl and home foreclosures. This land could be used to address food insecurity. One study of Cleveland shows that the city could actually meet up to 100% of its fresh produce need. This would prevent up to $115 million in annual economic leakage. Using the rooftop space of New York City would also be able to provide roughly twice the amount of space necessary to supply New York City with its green vegetable yields. Space could be even better optimized through the usage of hydroponic or indoor factory production of food. Growing gardens within cities would also cut down on the amount of food waste. In order to fund these projects, it would require financial capital in the form of private enterprises or government funding.\n\nEnvironmental\nThe Council for Agricultural Science and Technology (CAST) defines urban agriculture to include aspects of environmental health, remediation, and recreation:\n\nUrban agriculture is a complex system encompassing a spectrum of interests, from a traditional core of activities associated with the production, processing, marketing, distribution, and consumption, to a multiplicity of other benefits and services that are less widely acknowledged and documented. These include recreation and leisure; economic vitality and business entrepreneurship, individual health and well-being; community health and well being; landscape beautification; and environmental restoration and remediation.\n\nModern planning and design initiatives are often more responsive to this model of urban agriculture because it fits within the current scope of sustainable design. The definition allows for a multitude of interpretations across cultures and time. Frequently it is tied to policy decisions to build sustainable cities.Urban farms also provide unique opportunities for individuals, especially those living in cities, to get actively involved with ecological citizenship. By reconnecting with food production and nature, urban community gardening teaches individuals the skills necessary to participate in a democratic society. Decisions must be made on a group-level basis in order to run the farm. Most effective results are achieved when residents of a community are asked to take on more active roles in the farm.Urban farming is not as regulated as commercial farming.  So chemicals can be applied and not regulated like a commercial grower would.  There is nothing in place that will tell anyone what was applied.  It is not regulated as strict so a lot can happen without being known, as far as what is applied.\n\nFood security\nAccess to nutritious food, both economically and geographically, is another perspective in the effort to locate food and livestock production in cities. The tremendous influx of the world population to urban areas has increased the need for fresh and safe food. The Community Food Security Coalition (CFSC) defines food security as:\n\nAll persons in a community having access to culturally acceptable, nutritionally adequate food through local, non-emergency sources at all times.\n\nAreas faced with food security issues have limited choices, often relying on highly processed fast food or convenience store foods that are high in calories and low in nutrients, which may lead to elevated rates of diet-related illnesses such as diabetes. These problems have brought about the concept of food justice which Alkon and Norgaard (2009; 289) explain that, \"places access to healthy, affordable, culturally appropriate food in the contexts of institutional racism, racial formation, and racialized geographies... Food justice serves as a theoretical and political bridge between scholarship and activism on sustainable agriculture, food insecurity, and environmental justice.\"Some systematic reviews have already explored urban agriculture contribution to food security and other determinants of health outcomes (see )\nUrban agriculture is part of a larger discussion of the need for alternative agricultural paradigms to address food insecurity, inaccessibility of fresh foods, and unjust practices on multiple levels of the food system; and this discussion has been led by different actors, including food-insecure individuals, farm workers, educators and academics, policymakers, social movements, organizations, and marginalized people globally.The issue of food security is accompanied by the related movements of food justice and food sovereignty. These movements incorporate urban agriculture in how they address food-resources of a community. Food sovereignty, in addition to promoting food access, also seeks to address the power dynamics and political economy of food; it accounts for the embedded power structures of the food system, ownership of production, and decision-making on multiple levels (i.e. growing, processing, and distribution): Under this framework, representative decision-making and responsiveness to the community are core features.\n\nAgroecological\nAgroecology is a scientific framework, movement, and applied practice of agricultural management systems that seeks to achieve food sovereignty within food systems and prioritizes sustainability, farmer and consumer well-being, traditional knowledge revival, and democratized learning systems. Transdisciplinarity and diversity of knowledge is a central theme to agroecology, so many urban agroecology initiatives address topics of social justice, gender empowerment, ecological sustainability, indigenous sovereignty, and participation in addition to promoting food access.Under an agroecological framework, urban agriculture has the potential to play a role as a \"public space, as an economic development strategy, and as a community-organizing tool\" while alleviating food insecurity.\n\nImpact\nIn general, Urban and peri urban agriculture (UPA) contributes to food availability, particularly of fresh produce, provides employment and income and can contribute to the food security and nutrition of urban dwellers.\n\nEconomic\nUrban and Peri-urban agriculture (UPA) expands the economic base of the city through production, processing, packaging, and marketing of consumable products. This results in an increase in entrepreneurial activities and the creation of jobs, as well as reducing food costs and improving quality. UPA provides employment, income, and access to food for urban populations, which helps to relieve chronic and emergency food insecurity. Chronic food insecurity refers to less affordable food and growing urban poverty, while emergency food insecurity relates to breakdowns in the chain of food distribution. UPA plays an important role in making food more affordable and in providing emergency supplies of food. Research into market values for produce grown in urban gardens has been attributed to a community garden plot a median yield value of between approximately $200 and $500 (US, adjusted for inflation).\n\nSocial\nUrban agriculture can have a large impact on the social and emotional well-being of individuals. UA can have an overall positive impact on community health, which directly impacts individuals social and emotional well-being. Urban gardens are often places that facilitate positive social interaction, which also contributes to overall social and emotional well-being. Many gardens facilitate the improvement of social networks within the communities that they are located. For many neighborhoods, gardens provide a \"symbolic focus\", which leads to increased neighborhood pride. Urban agriculture increases community participation through diagnostic workshops or different commissions in the area of vegetable gardens. Activities which involve hundreds of people.When individuals come together around UA, physical activity levels are often increased.  This can also raise serotonin levels akin to working out at a gym. There is the added element of walking/biking to the gardens, further increasing physical activity and the benefits of being outdoors.UPA can be seen as a means of improving the livelihood of people living in and around cities. Taking part in such practices is seen mostly as an informal activity, but in many cities where inadequate, unreliable, and irregular access to food is a recurring problem, urban agriculture has been a positive response to tackling food concerns. Due to the food security that comes with UA, feelings of independence and empowerment often arise. The ability to produce and grow food for oneself has also been reported to improve levels of self-esteem or of self-efficacy. Households and small communities take advantage of vacant land and contribute not only to their household food needs but also the needs of their resident city. The CFSC states that:\n\nCommunity and residential gardening, as well as small-scale farming, save household food dollars. They promote nutrition and free cash for non-garden foods and other items. As an example, you can raise your own chickens on an urban farm and have fresh eggs for only $0.44 per dozen.\n\nThis allows families to generate larger incomes selling to local grocers or to local outdoor markets while supplying their household with the proper nutrition of fresh and nutritional products. With the popularity of farmers markets recently, this has allowed an even larger income.\n\nSome community urban farms can be quite efficient and help women find work, who in some cases are marginalized from finding employment in the formal economy. Studies have shown that participation from women have a higher production rate, therefore producing the adequate amount for household consumption while supplying more for market sale.As most UA activities are conducted on vacant municipal land, there have been raising concerns about the allocation of land and property rights. The IDRC and the FAO have published the Guidelines for Municipal Policymaking on Urban Agriculture, and are working with municipal governments to create successful policy measures that can be incorporated in urban planning.Over a third of US households, roughly 42 million, participate in food gardening.  There has also been an increase of 63% participation in farming by millennials from 2008-2013. US households participating in community gardening has also tripled from 1 to 3 million in that time frame. Urban agriculture provides unique opportunities to bridge diverse communities together. In addition, it provides opportunities for health care providers to interact with their patients. Thus, making each community garden a hub that is reflective of the community.\n\nEnergy efficiency\nThe current industrial agriculture system is accountable for high energy costs for the transportation of foodstuffs. According to a study by Rich Pirog, associate director of the Leopold Center for Sustainable Agriculture at Iowa State University, the average conventional produce item travels 1,500 miles (2,400 km), using, if shipped by tractor-trailer, 1 US gallon (3.8 L; 0.83 imp gal) of fossil fuel per 100 pounds (45 kg). The energy used to transport food is decreased when urban agriculture can provide cities with locally grown food. Pirog found that traditional, non-local, food distribution system used 4 to 17 times more fuel and emitted 5 to 17 times more CO2 than the local and regional transport.Similarly, in a study by Marc Xuereb and Region of Waterloo Public Health, it was estimated that switching to locally-grown food could save transport-related emissions equivalent to nearly 50,000 metric tons of CO2, or the equivalent of taking 16,191 cars off the road.In theory one would save money, but everything is being ran on the house's power grid most of the time.  So prices can vary according to when you water, or how you water, etc.\n\nCarbon footprint\nAs mentioned above, the energy-efficient nature of urban agriculture can reduce each city's carbon footprint by reducing the amount of transport that occurs to deliver goods to the consumer. Such areas can act as carbon sinks offsetting some of the carbon accumulation that is innate to urban areas, where pavement and buildings outnumber plants. Plants absorb atmospheric carbon dioxide (CO2) and release breathable oxygen (O2) through photosynthesis. The process of Carbon Sequestration can be further improved by combining other agriculture techniques to increase removal from the atmosphere and prevent the release of CO2 during harvest time. However, this process relies heavily on the types of plants selected and the methodology of farming. Specifically, choosing plants that do not lose their leaves and remain green all year can increase the farm's ability to sequester carbon.\n\nReduction in ozone and particulate matter\nThe reduction in ozone and other particulate matter can benefit human health.  Reducing these particulates and ozone gases could reduce mortality rates in urban areas along with increase the health of those living in cities. \nA 2011 article found that a rooftop containing 2000 m2 of uncut grass has the potential to remove up to 4000 kg of particulate matter and that one square meter of green roof is sufficient to offset the annual particulate matter emissions of a car.\n\nSoil decontamination\nVacant urban lots are often victims to illegal dumping of hazardous chemicals and other wastes. They are also liable to accumulate standing water and \"grey water\", which can be dangerous to public health, especially left stagnant for long periods. The implementation of urban agriculture in these vacant lots can be a cost-effective method for removing these chemicals. In the process known as Phytoremediation, plants and the associated microorganisms are selected for their chemical ability to degrade, absorb, convert to an inert form, and remove toxins from the soil.  Several chemicals can be targeted for removal, including heavy metals (e.g. Mercury and lead), inorganic compounds (e.g. Arsenic and Uranium), and organic compounds (e.g. petroleum and chlorinated compounds like PBCs).Phytoremeditation is both an environmentally-friendly, cost-effective and energy-efficient measure to reduce pollution. Phytoremediation only costs about $5–$40 per ton of soil being decontaminated. Implementation of this process also reduces the amount of soil that must be disposed of in a hazardous waste landfill.Urban agriculture as a method to mediate chemical pollution can be effective in preventing the spread of these chemicals into the surrounding environment. Other methods of remediation often disturb the soil and force the chemicals contained within it into the air or water. Plants can be used as a method to remove chemicals and also to hold the soil and prevent erosion of contaminated soil decreasing the spread of pollutants and the hazard presented by these lots.One way of identifying soil contamination is through using already well-established plants as bioindicators of soil health. Using well-studied plants is important because there has already been substantial bodies of work to test them in various conditions, so responses can be verified with certainty. Such plants are also valuable because they are genetically identical as crops as opposed to natural variants of the same species. Typically urban soil has had the topsoil stripped away and has led to soil with low aeration, porosity, and drainage. Typical measures of soil health are microbial biomass and activity, enzymes, soil organic matter (SOM), total nitrogen, available nutrients, porosity, aggregate stability, and compaction. A new measurement is active carbon (AC), which is the most usable portion of the total organic carbon (TOC) in the soil. This contributes greatly to the functionality of the soil food web. Using common crops, which are generally well-studied, as bioindicators can be used to effectively test the quality of an urban farming plot before beginning planting.\n\nNoise pollution\nLarge amounts of noise pollution not only lead to lower property values and high frustration, they can be damaging to human hearing and health. The study \"Noise exposure and public health\" found that exposure to continual noise is a public health problem. Examples of the detriment of continual noise on humans to include: \"hearing impairment, hypertension and ischemic heart disease, annoyance, sleep disturbance, and decreased school performance.\" Since most roofs or vacant lots consist of hard flat surfaces that reflect sound waves instead of absorbing them, adding plants that can absorb these waves has the potential to lead to a vast reduction in noise pollution.\n\nNutrition and quality of food\nDaily intake of a variety of fruits and vegetables is linked to a decreased risk of chronic diseases including diabetes, heart disease, and cancer. Urban agriculture is associated with increased consumption of fruits and vegetables which decreases risk for disease and can be a cost-effective way to provide citizens with quality, fresh produce in urban settings.Produce from urban gardens can be perceived to be more flavorful and desirable than store bought produce which may also lead to a wider acceptance and higher intake. A Flint, Michigan study found that those participating in community gardens consumed fruits and vegetables 1.4 times more per day and were 3.5 times more likely to consume fruits or vegetables at least 5 times daily (p. 1).  Garden-based education can also yield nutritional benefits in children. An Idaho study reported a positive association between school gardens and increased intake of fruit, vegetables, vitamin A, vitamin C and fiber among sixth graders. Harvesting fruits and vegetables initiates the enzymatic process of nutrient degradation which is especially detrimental to water soluble vitamins such as ascorbic acid and thiamin. The process of blanching produce in order to freeze or can reduce nutrient content slightly, but not nearly as much as the amount of time spent in storage. Harvesting produce from one's own community garden cuts back on storage times significantly.\nUrban agriculture also provides quality nutrition for low-income households. Studies show that every $1 invested in a community garden yields $6 worth of vegetables if labor is not considered a factor in investment. Many urban gardens reduce the strain on food banks and other emergency food providers by donating shares of their harvest and providing fresh produce in areas that otherwise might be food deserts. The supplemental nutrition program Women, Infants and Children (WIC) as well as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) have partnered with several urban gardens nationwide to improve the accessibility to produce in exchange for a few hours of volunteer gardening work.Urban farming has been shown to increase health outcomes. Gardeners consume twice as much fruit and vegetables than non-gardeners. Levels of physical activity are also positively associated with urban farming. These results are seen indirectly and can be supported by the social involvement in an individual's community as a member of the community farm. This social involvement helped raise the aesthetic appeal of the neighborhood, boosting the motivation or efficacy of the community as a whole. This increased efficacy was shown to increase neighborhood attachment. Therefore, the positive health outcomes of urban farming can be explained in part by interpersonal and social factors that boost health. Focusing on improving the aesthetics and community relationships and not only on the plant yield, is the best way to maximize the positive effect of urban farms on a neighborhood.\n\nEconomy of scale\nUsing high-density urban farming  with vertical farms or stacked greenhouses, many environmental benefits can be achieved on a citywide scale that would be impossible otherwise. These systems do not only provide food, but also produce potable water from waste water, and can recycle organic waste back to energy and nutrients. At the same time, they can reduce food-related transportation to a minimum while providing fresh food for large communities in almost any climate.\n\nHealth inequalities and food justice\nA 2009 report by the USDA determined that \"evidence is both abundant and robust enough for us to conclude that Americans living in low-income and minority areas tend to have poor access to healthy food\", and that the \"structural inequalities\" in these neighborhoods \"contribute to inequalities in diet and diet-related outcomes\".  These diet-related outcomes, including obesity and diabetes, have become epidemic in low-income urban environments in the United States. Although the definition and methods for determining \"food deserts\" have varied, studies indicate that, at least in the United States,  there are racial disparities in the food environment. Thus using the definition of environment as the place where people live, work, play and pray, food disparities become an issue of environmental justice. This is especially true in American inner-cities where a history of racist practices have contributed to the development of food deserts in the low-income, minority areas of the urban core. The issue of inequality is so integral to the issues of food access and health that the Growing Food & Justice for All Initiative was founded with the mission of \"dismantling racism\" as an integral part of creating food security.Not only can urban agriculture provide healthy, fresh food options, but also can contribute to a sense of community, aesthetic improvement, crime reduction, minority empowerment and autonomy, and even preserve culture through the use of farming methods and heirloom seeds preserved from areas of origin.\n\nEnvironmental justice\nUrban agriculture may advance environmental justice and food justice for communities living in food deserts.  First, urban agriculture may reduce racial and class disparities in access to healthy food. When urban agriculture leads to locally grown fresh produce sold at affordable prices in food deserts, access to healthy food is not just available for those who live in wealthy areas, thereby leading to greater equity in rich and poor neighborhoods.Improved access to food through urban agriculture can also help alleviate psychosocial stresses in poor communities. Community members engaged in urban agriculture improve local knowledge about healthy ways to fulfill dietary needs. Urban agriculture can also better the mental health of community members. Buying and selling quality products to local producers and consumers allows community members to support one another, which may reduce stress. Thus, urban agriculture can help improve conditions in poor communities, where residents experience higher levels of stress due to a perceived lack of control over the quality of their lives.Urban agriculture may improve the livability and built environment in communities that lack supermarkets and other infrastructure due to the presence of high unemployment caused by deindustrialization. Urban farmers who follow sustainable agricultural methods can not only help to build local food system infrastructure, but can also contribute to improving local air, and water and soil quality. Urban farming serves as one type of green space in urban areas, it has a positive impact on the air quality in the surrounding area. A case study conducted on a rooftop farm shows the PM2.5 concentration in the urban farming area is 7-33% lower than the surrounding parts without green spaces in a city. When agricultural products are produced locally within the community, they do not need to be transported, which reduces CO2 emission rates and other pollutants that contribute to high rates of asthma in lower socioeconomic areas. Sustainable urban agriculture can also promote worker protection and consumer rights. For example, communities in New York City, Illinois, and Richmond, Virginia, have demonstrated improvements to their local environments through urban agricultural practices.However, urban agriculture can also present urban growers with health risks if the soil used for urban farming is contaminated. Lead contamination is particularly common, with hazardous levels of lead found in soil in many United States cities. High lead levels in soil originate from sources including flaking lead paint which was widely used before being banned in the 1970s, vehicle exhaust, and atmospheric deposition. Without proper education on the risks of urban farming and safe practices, urban consumers of urban agricultural produce may face additional health-related issues.\n\nImplementation\nCreating a community-based infrastructure for urban agriculture means establishing local systems to grow and process food and transfer it from farmer to consumer.\nTo facilitate food production, cities have established community-based farming projects. Some projects have collectively tended community farms on common land, much like that of the eighteenth-century Boston Common. One such community farm is the Collingwood Children's Farm in Melbourne, Australia. Other community garden projects use the allotment garden model, in which gardeners care for individual plots in a larger gardening area, often sharing a tool shed and other amenities. Seattle's P-Patch Gardens use this model, as did the South Central Farm in Los Angeles and the Food Roof Farm in St. Louis. Independent urban gardeners also grow food in individual yards and on roofs. Garden sharing projects seek to pair producers with the land, typically, residential yard space. Roof gardens allow for urban dwellers to maintain green spaces in the city without having to set aside a tract of undeveloped land. Rooftop farms allow otherwise unused industrial roofspace to be used productively, creating work and profit. Projects around the world seek to enable cities to become 'continuous productive landscapes' by cultivating vacant urban land and temporary or permanent kitchen gardens.\nFood processing on a community level has been accommodated by centralizing resources in community tool sheds and processing facilities for farmers to share. The Garden Resource Program Collaborative based in Detroit has cluster tool banks. Different areas of the city have tool banks where resources like tools, compost, mulch, tomato stakes, seeds, and education can be shared and distributed with the gardeners in that cluster. Detroit's Garden Resource Program Collaborative also strengthens their gardening community by providing access to their member's transplants; education on gardening, policy, and food issues; and by building connectivity between gardeners through workgroups, potlucks, tours, field trips, and cluster workdays. In Brazil, \"Cities Without Hunger\" has generated a public policy for the reconstruction of abandoned areas with food production and has improved the green areas of the community.\nFarmers' markets, such as the farmers' market in Los Angeles, provide a common land where farmers can sell their product to consumers. Large cities tend to open their farmer's markets on the weekends and one day in the middle of the week. For example, the farmers' market of Boulevard Richard-Lenoir in Paris, France, is open on Sundays and Thursdays. However, to create a consumer dependency on urban agriculture and to introduce local food production as a sustainable career for farmers, markets would have to be open regularly. For example, the Los Angeles Farmers' Market is open seven days a week and has linked several local grocers together to provide different food products. The market's central location in downtown Los Angeles provides the perfect interaction for a diverse group of sellers to access their consumers.\n\nBenefits\nThe benefits that UPA brings along to cities that implement this practice are numerous. The transformation of cities from only consumers of food to generators of agricultural products contributes to sustainability, improved health, and poverty alleviation.\n\nUPA assists to close the open-loop system in urban areas characterized by the importation of food from rural zones and the exportation of waste to regions outside the city or town.\nWastewater and organic solid waste can be transformed into resources for growing agriculture products: the former can be used for irrigation, the latter as fertilizer.\nVacant urban areas can be used for agriculture production.\nOther natural resources can be conserved. The use of wastewater for irrigation improves water management and increases the availability of fresh water for drinking and household consumption.\nUPA can help to preserve bioregional ecologies from being transformed into cropland.\nUrban agriculture saves energy (e.g. energy consumed in transporting food from rural to urban areas).\nLocal production of food also allows savings in transportation costs, storage, and in product loss, what results in food cost reduction.\nUPA improves the quality of the urban environment through greening and thus, a reduction in pollution.\nUrban agriculture also makes the city a healthier place to live by improving the quality of the environment.\nUPA is a very effective tool to fight against hunger and malnutrition since it facilitates the access to food by an impoverished sector of the urban population.Poverty alleviation: It is known that a large part of the people involved in urban agriculture is the urban poor. In developing countries, the majority of urban agricultural production is for self-consumption, with surpluses being sold in the market. According to the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations), urban poor consumers spend 60–80% of their income on food, making them very vulnerable to higher food prices.\n\nUPA provides food and creates savings in household expenditure on consumables, thus increasing the amount of income allocated to other uses.\nUPA surpluses can be sold in local markets, generating more income for the urban poor.Community centers and gardens educate the community to see agriculture as an integral part of urban life. The Florida House Institute for Sustainable Development in Sarasota, Florida, serves as a public community and education center in which innovators with sustainable, energy-saving ideas can implement and test them. Community centers like Florida House provide urban areas with a central location to learn about urban agriculture and to begin to integrate agriculture with the urban lifestyle.Urban farms also are a proven effective educational tool to teach kids about healthy eating and meaningful physical activity.\n\nTrade-offs\nSpace is at a premium in cities and is accordingly expensive and difficult to secure.\nThe utilization of untreated wastewater for urban agricultural irrigation can facilitate the spread of waterborne diseases among the human population.\nAlthough studies have demonstrated improved air quality in urban areas related to the proliferation of urban gardens, it has also been shown that increasing urban pollution (related specifically to a sharp rise in the number of automobiles on the road), has led to an increase in insect pests, which consume plants produced by urban agriculture. It is believed that changes to the physical structure of the plants themselves, which have been correlated to increased levels of air pollution, increase plants' palatability to insect pests. Reduced yields within urban gardens decreases the amount of food available for human consumption.\nStudies indicate that the nutritional quality of wheat suffers when urban wheat plants are exposed to high nitrogen dioxide and sulfur dioxide concentrations. This problem is particularly acute in the developing world, where outdoor concentrations of sulfur dioxide are high and large percentages of the population rely upon urban agriculture as a primary source of food. These studies have implications for the nutritional quality of other staple crops that are grown in urban settings.\nAgricultural activities on land that is contaminated (with such metals as lead) pose potential risks to human health. These risks are associated both with working directly on contaminated land and with consuming food that was grown in contaminated soil.Municipal greening policy goals can pose conflicts. For example, policies promoting urban tree canopy are not sympathetic to vegetable gardening because of the deep shade cast by trees. However, some municipalities like Portland, Oregon, and Davenport, Iowa are encouraging the implementation of fruit-bearing trees (as street trees or as park orchards) to meet both greening and food production goals.\n\nSee also\nPassage 4:\nDisplacement activity\nDisplacement activities occur when an animal experiences high motivation for two or more conflicting behaviours: the resulting displacement activity is usually unrelated to the competing motivations. Birds, for example, may peck at grass when uncertain whether to attack or flee from an opponent; similarly, a human may scratch their head when they do not know which of two options to choose.  Displacement activities may also occur when animals are prevented from performing a single behaviour for which they are highly motivated.  Displacement activities often involve actions which bring comfort to the animal such as scratching, preening, drinking or feeding.\nIn the assessment of animal welfare, displacement activities are sometimes used as evidence that an animal is highly motivated to perform a behaviour that the environment prevents. One example is that when hungry hens are trained to eat from a particular food dispenser and then find the dispenser blocked, they often begin to pace and preen themselves vigorously. These actions have been interpreted as displacement activities, and similar pacing and preening can be used as evidence of frustration in other situations.Psychiatrist and primatologist Alfonso Troisi proposed that displacement activities can be used as non-invasive measures of stress in primates. He noted that various non-human primates perform self-directed activities such as grooming and scratching in situations likely to involve anxiety and uncertainty, and that these behaviours are increased by anxiogenic (anxiety-producing) drugs and reduced by anxiolytic (anxiety-reducing) drugs. In humans, he noted that similar self-directed behaviour, together with aimless manipulation of objects (chewing pens, twisting rings), can be used as indicators of \"stressful stimuli and may reflect an emotional condition of negative affect\".More recently the term 'displacement activity' has been widely adopted   to describe a form of procrastination. It is commonly used in the context of what someone does intentionally to keep themselves busy whilst, at the same time, avoiding doing something else that would be a better use of their time.\n\nHistory of the concept\nThe subsequent development of research on displacement activities was a direct consequence of Konrad Lorenz's works on instincts. However, the first mentions of the phenomenon came in 1940 by the two Dutch researchers Nikolaas Tinbergen and Adriaan Kortlandt.Tinbergen in 1952 noted, for example, that \"two skylarks engaged in furious combat [may] suddenly peck at the ground as if they were feeding\", or birds on the point of mating may suddenly begin to preen themselves. Tinbergen adopted the term \"displacement activities\" because the behaviour appeared to be displaced from one behavioural system into another.In 1902, in The Little White Bird, J. M. Barrie refers to sheep in Kensington Gardens nibbling the grass in nervous agitation immediately after being shorn, and to Solomon, the wise crow, drinking water when he was frustrated and outwitted in an argument with other birds. Another bird encourages him to drink in order to compose himself. These references to displacement activities in a work of literature indicate that the phenomenon was well recognized at the turn of the twentieth century. A further early description of a displacement activity (though not the use of the term) is by Julian Huxley in 1914.\n\nSee also\nDisplacement (psychology)\nEthogram\nProcrastination\nVacuum activity\nPassage 5:\nRace engineer\nA race engineer is a motorsport team member who analyses data to achieve the best performance from the vehicle and driver. The race engineer communicates with the team's data analyst, mechanics, and driver, both between and during races. Off the race track, the race engineer analyses historical data to determine the initial set-up for the next race event or test. The race engineer's duties also include hands-on management of the vehicle mechanics, organization of the testing schedule, and assurance of compliance with regulations. The race engineer seeks to make these activities occur as seamlessly as possible for the driver. Race engineers almost always have an academic degree in engineering or a related field.A good race engineer must have good people skills. To be effective, the race engineer must have a good working relationship with not only the driver but also the rest of the team, both at and away from the track. Many times the race engineer is also \"the face\" of the team for the media; this is especially true during the race while the driver is inaccessible. This makes the race engineer's media skills a priority.\n\nHistory\nThe role of the race engineer on racing teams has grown in importance since the adoption of on-board sensors that collect performance data. The race engineer's job is to evaluate the vehicle's performance gathered from both telemetry and the driver's feedback. The race engineer then seeks to improve performance with regard to the driver's desires by adjusting suspension, engine calibrations, aerodynamics, and other variables which affect the vehicle's performance on the race track.\n\nTravel\nRace engineers tend to travel extensively, especially during the racing season of their motorsport teams. At the highest level of professional motorsports, international travel is common. Offseason travel for race engineers is usually for testing, training, and visiting vendors.\n\nSee also\nAutomotive aerodynamics\nAutomotive engineering\nControl theory\nMechanical engineering\nPassage 6:\nJAK Members Bank\nThe JAK Members Bank, or JAK Medlemsbank, is a cooperative, member-owned financial institution based in Skövde, Sweden, and based on a concept that arose in Denmark in 1931. JAK is an acronym for Jord Arbete Kapital in Swedish or Land Labour Capital, the factors of production in classical economics. A membership of approximately 39,000 (as of December 2015) dictates the Bank's policies and direction. The Board of Directors is elected annually by members, who are each allowed only one share in the bank. JAK Members Bank does not offer any interest on saved money. All of the bank's activities occur outside of the capital market as its loans are financed solely by member savings. Administrative and developmental costs are paid for by membership and loans.\nJAK banking employs the \"Saving Points\" system: members accumulate Saving Points during saving periods and use them when applying for a loan. The concept is that one is allowed to take out a loan for oneself to the same extent as one allows other people to be granted loans, saving into one's account. For this reason (applying for a loan), earned Saving Points must be equal to  spent Saving Points to ensure sustainability. If a member is borrowing more saving points than they currently possess, they are obliged to continue accumulating \"aftersavings\" during the repayment period. Aftersavings are a fixed quota of money that a member must save after one's loan was made, so they can continue to earn Saving Points. This way, at the end of the repayment period, Saving Points earned will be equal to Saving Points spent, and at that time they will be able to have back all their aftersavings.\nJAK also offers a couple of loans where you do not need any saving points.\n\nHistory\nThe co-operative society Jord Arbejde Kapital was founded in Denmark during the Great Depression in 1931. The society issued a popular local currency which was subsequently outlawed by the Danish government in 1933. In 1934 it founded an interest-free savings and loan system and a Local Exchange Trading System. Though both systems were forced to close, the savings and loan system re-emerged in 1944. The experience of JAK-banking in Denmark inspired a group in Sweden to develop a non-profit organisation named Jord Arbete Kapital - Riksförening för Ekonomisk Frigörelse (National Association for Economic Emancipation) in 1965. This pioneers' group developed a mathematical system based on Saving Points, designated the \"balanced saving system\". The association grew slowly at first. In 1997, a legislative amendment required the association to receive a banking license from the Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority in order to continue operating as a financial institution, which was granted in that year. The bank's deposits are insured by the government.\n\nPhilosophy\nAccording to JAK's philosophy, economic instability arises out of and is a consequence of the levying of interest.\nJAK operates under the following principles:\n\nInterest moves money from the poor to the rich\nInterest favours projects which yield high profits in the short termThe main aim of the bank is to provide its members with a viable, feasible financial instrument, sustainable for the environment and serving the local economy.\n\nMembership\nMarketing for JAK is done primarily by volunteers and word-of-mouth advertising. Deposits are accepted and loans are given in Swedish Krona (SEK). Mortgages or personal guarantees may be made only if the property or the guarantor is Swedish. It is compulsory to have Swedish residency to apply for a loan from JAK. The savings of members are covered under the deposit guarantees of the Swedish banking system.\n\nJAK in other countries\nJAK organisations exist in Denmark, Germany and Italy, in addition to Sweden. There was also an earlier attempt to start such a bank in Norway.\nThe Danish organisations, which date back to 1931, are known as J.A.K. Andelskasser, and there are 14 independent organisations which hold the legal status of andelskasse, which is a form of bank in Denmark. They are all members of Landsforeningen J.A.K., the association of JAK organisations.\n\nLiterature\nMargunn Bjørnholt: Pengene mot strømmen: Alternative finansieringsorganisasjoner, Oslo, University of Oslo, 1995, ISBN 8257004383, sida 82-129\n\nSee also\nGrameen Bank\nWIR Bank\nPassage 7:\nBridgewater Triangle\nThe Bridgewater Triangle is an area of about 200 square miles (520 km2) within southeastern Massachusetts in the United States, claimed to be a site of alleged paranormal phenomena, ranging from UFOs to poltergeists, and other spectral phenomena, various bigfoot-like sightings, giant snakes and thunderbirds. The term was coined by New England based cryptozoologist Loren Coleman.\n\nLocation\nSpecific boundaries of the Bridgewater Triangle were first described by cryptozoologist Loren Coleman who coined the term in the 1970s, and later in his book Mysterious America.\n\nHistoric places and landmarks\nFreetown-Fall River State Forest - The Freetown-Fall River State Forest has reportedly been the site of various cult activity including animal sacrifice, ritualistic murders committed by admitted Satanists, as well as a number of gangland murders and a number of suicides.\nProfile Rock - The supposed site of where Wampanoag historical figure Anawan received the lost wampum belt from Philip, legend has it the ghost of a man can be seen sitting on the rock with his legs crossed or with outstretched arms. Located within the Freetown-Fall River State Forest.\nSolitude Stone - An inscribed stone located near Forest Street in West Bridgewater which was found near a missing person's body. Also known as \"suicide stone,\" the rock was found with the inscription: \"All ye, who in future days, Walk by Nunckatessett stream Love not him who hummed his lay Cheerful to the parting beam, But the beauty that he wooed.\"\nBridgewater State University - Several buildings and rooms on campus are alleged to be haunted by ghosts and other paranormal phenomena.\nTaunton State Hospital - Some visitors have claimed that they had strange paranormal experiences in the hospital including being touched and pulled in certain areas of the hospital. It is also claimed that the hospital was used by satanic cults during the 1960s and 70s.\nHornbine School - The one-room schoolhouse was built during the 1840s and remained in active use until 1937. The building is alleged to be haunted by its former inhabitants.\n\nParanormal claims\nCommon to most of these areas is a mix of reported phenomena, that includes reports of:\n\nUnidentified flying objects, often in the form of bright balls of light or large, unusual spacecraft.\nUnnatural animal sightings, ranging from unusual reports of animals that are not found within the area (such as panthers and bears) to more supernatural claims of giant snakes and enormous vicious dogs.\nParanormal humanoids, including sightings of Bigfoot, ghosts, poltergeists, and shadow people.\nThunderbird sightings: Giant birds or pterodactyl-like flying creature with wingspans up to twelve feet are claimed to have been seen in Hockomock Swamp and neighboring Taunton and Easton, including a report by Norton Police Sergeant Thomas Downy.\nCult activity, especially animal mutilations: Various incidents of animal mutilation have been reported, particularly in Freetown and Fall River, where local police were called to investigate mutilated animals believed to be the work of a cult. Two specific incidents in 1998 were reported: one in which a single adult cow was found butchered in the woods; the other in which a group of calves were discovered in a clearing, grotesquely mutilated as if part of a ritual sacrifice.\nNative American curses: According to one tale, Native Americans had cursed the swamp centuries ago because of conflict with Colonial settlers. A revered object of the Wampanoag people, a belt known as the wampum belt, was lost during King Philip's War. Legend says that the area owes its paranormal unrest to the fact that this belt was lost from the Native people.\nPukwudgie: A creature from Algonquian folklore. The local Wampanoag people consider them to be dangerous tricksters. They have been especially associated with the Freetown State Forest within the Bridgewater Triangle.\n\nSee also\nLovecraft Country\nPukwudgie\nPassage 8:\nContext-sensitive solutions (transport)\nContext-sensitive solutions (CSS) is a theoretical and practical approach to transportation decision-making and design that takes into consideration the communities and lands through which streets, roads, and highways pass (\"the context\"). The term is closely related to but distinguishable from context-sensitive design in that it asserts that all decisions in transportation planning, project development, operations, and maintenance should be responsive to the context in which these activities occur, not simply the design process. CSS seeks to balance the need to move vehicles efficiently and safely with other desirable outcomes, including historic preservation, environmental sustainability, and the creation of vital public spaces. In transit projects, CSS generally refers to context sensitive planning, design, and development around transit stations, also known as transit-oriented development.\n\nOverview\nIn contrast to long-standing practices in transportation design that place primary importance on moving traffic (vehicular throughput), the CSS process emphasizes that transportation facilities should fit their physical settings and preserve scenic, aesthetic, historic and environmental resources, while maintaining safety and mobility. For instance, if a state highway that passes through a downtown main street, applying CSS principles would entail creating a street where the movement of vehicles does not impede pedestrian activity and sidewalk commerce, rather than a street that is simply widened and straightened to increase speed, capacity and mobility for vehicles as a singular transportation objective. CSS therefore includes principles for context-sensitive decision-making that place a high value on community input and consensus, and more technical principles of context sensitive design.\nWhen CSS principles are applied to transportation projects, the process involves a much broader range of disciplines than traditional transportation design methods, which rely exclusively on the judgment of traffic engineers. CSS is a collaborative, interdisciplinary approach that involves everyone with a significant stake in the project, such as the residents, businesses and local institutions that will be affected by an intervention or a failure to address the transportation implications of development such as congestion. Rather than approaching these stakeholders at the tail end of the design process in an attempt to gain approval, CSS emphasizes the need to incorporate their feedback from the very outset of the planning and design development processes and during all subsequent stages of construction, operations and maintenance.\n\nQualities of a CSS project\nThe following list of qualities (developed at a 1998 conference for transportation planners called \"Thinking Beyond the Pavement\") describe the core goals of the CSS process.\n\nThe CSS Product: Qualities of Excellence in Transportation DesignThe \"Qualities that Characterize Excellence in Transportation Design\" – that is, of the physical end product of the CSS process – are: \n\nThe project satisfies the purpose and needs as agreed to by a full range of stakeholders.\nThis agreement is forged in the earliest phase of the project and amended as warranted as the project develops.\nThe project is a safe facility for both the user and the community.\nThe project is in harmony with the community, and it preserves environmental, scenic, aesthetic, historic, and natural resource values of the area, i.e., exhibits context sensitive design.\nThe project exceeds the expectations of both designers and stakeholders and achieves a level of excellence in people's minds.\nThe project involves efficient and effective use of the resources (time, budget, community) of all involved parties.\nThe project is designed and built with minimal disruption to the community.\nThe project is seen as having added lasting value to the community.\n\nThe CSS process\nThis outline of the core steps in the CSS process was also developed at the \"Thinking Beyond the Pavement\" conference.\n\nThe CSS Process: Characteristics of the Process That Yield Excellence\"The Characteristics of the Process that will Yield Excellence in Transportation Design\" are: \n\nCommunication with all stakeholders is open, honest, early, and continuous.\nA multidisciplinary team is established early, with disciplines based on the needs of the specific project, and with the inclusion of the public.\nA full range of stakeholders is involved with transportation officials in the scoping phase (the period before design is begun when the scope of the project is agreed upon). The purposes of the project are clearly defined, and consensus on the scope is forged before proceeding.\nThe highway development process is tailored to meet the circumstances. This process should examine multiple alternatives that will result in a consensus of approach methods.\nA commitment to the process from top agency officials and local leaders is secured.\nThe public involvement process, which includes informal meetings, is tailored to the project.\nThe landscape, the community, and valued resources are understood before engineering design is started. A full range of tools for communication about project alternatives is used (e.g., visualization).\n\nHistory\nThe initial guiding principles of CSS came out of the 1998 \"Thinking Beyond the Pavement\" conference as a means to describe and foster transportation projects that preserve and enhance the natural and built environments along with economic and social assets for neighborhoods they pass through. In 2003, the Federal Highway Administration announced that under one of its three Vital Few Objectives (Environmental Stewardship and Streamlining) they had a target goal of  achieving CSS integration within all state Departments of Transportation by September 2007.\nThe American Association of State Highway and Transportation Organizations (AASHTO) is now (fall 2006) developing strategic goals and objectives for CSS which it describes as a \"fundamental change in the way we do business.\" One principal element of this change is the way transportation planners and engineers address speed. Historically, the speed at which a vehicle can safely travel through the landscape has been regarded as a primary goal of transportation planning since it shortens travel time, saves money (time is money), and improves driver convenience. However, CSS recognizes that designing a facility for the maximum safe speed that is economically feasible can be detrimental to other community goals, and even to vehicle passengers themselves. CSS recognizes that the goal of transportation is social and economic exchange, which cannot occur at high speeds. Instead, CSS attempts to identify, through a community-based process, a  \"target speed\" that promotes the optimum amount of social and economic exchange, with lowest environmental impacts, that is appropriate for the context. Thus, in cities, if higher vehicle speeds lower the amount of social exchange on a residential street (fewer friends, less street life etc.) then the street will be designed to encourage drivers to slow down so as not to reduce social exchange. In a similar manner, commercial streets will be designed to maximize commercial exchange and designed accordingly. In more rural areas where a primary goal is to move people and goods between human settlements, CSS can be compatible with much higher design speeds. Setting a target speed that is appropriate for the context, and then designing roads, highway and streets to make it difficult for drivers to exceed that target speed, is a central CSS principle and represents a fundamental shift in transportation planning practice.\n\nSee also\nTransportation planning\nComplete streets\nPlacemaking\nNew Urbanism\nTransit-oriented development\nTown meeting\n\nNotes",
  "char_len": 72760,
  "document_hash": "ada5ab53af6189e643b6f6af1b055c9bcf9209a6031a74a127dc679588d1e242",
  "questions": [
    {
      "question_id": "q00",
      "qtype": "hotpotqa",
      "question": "What types of activities occur in both the Bennington and Bridgewater Triangles?"
    }
  ]
}