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  "text": "Passage 1:\nBonus Army\nThe Bonus Army was a group of 43,000 demonstrators – 17,000 veterans of U.S. involvement in World War I, their families, and affiliated groups – who gathered in Washington, D.C., in mid-1932 to demand early cash redemption of their service bonus certificates. Organizers called the demonstrators the Bonus Expeditionary Force (B.E.F.), to echo the name of World War I's American Expeditionary Forces, while the media referred to them as the \"Bonus Army\" or \"Bonus Marchers\". The demonstrators were led by Walter W. Waters, a former sergeant.\nMany of the war veterans had been out of work since the beginning of the Great Depression. The World War Adjusted Compensation Act of 1924 had awarded them bonuses in the form of certificates they could not redeem until 1945. Each certificate, issued to a qualified veteran soldier, bore a face value equal to the soldier's promised payment with compound interest. The principal demand of the Bonus Army was the immediate cash payment of their certificates.\nOn July 28, 1932, U.S. Attorney General William D. Mitchell ordered the veterans removed from all government property. Washington police met with resistance, shot at the protestors, and two veterans were wounded and later died. President Herbert Hoover then ordered the U.S. Army to clear the marchers' campsite. Army Chief of Staff General Douglas MacArthur commanded a contingent of infantry and cavalry, supported by six tanks. The Bonus Army marchers with their wives and children were driven out, and their shelters and belongings burned.\nA second, smaller Bonus March in 1933 at the start of the Roosevelt administration was defused in May with an offer of jobs with the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) at Fort Hunt, Virginia, which most of the group accepted. Those who chose not to work for the CCC by the May 22 deadline were given transportation home. In 1936, Congress overrode President Roosevelt's veto and paid the veterans their bonus nine years early.\n\nOrigin of military bonuses\nThe practice of war-time military bonuses began in 1776, as payment for the difference between what a soldier earned and what he could have earned had he not enlisted. The practice derived from English legislation passed in the 1592–93 session of Parliament to provide medical care and maintenance for disabled veterans and bonuses for serving soldiers.\nIn August 1776, Congress adopted the first national pension law providing half pay for life for disabled veterans. Considerable pressure was applied to expand benefits to match the British system for serving soldiers and sailors but had little support from the colonial government until mass desertions at Valley Forge that threatened the existence of the Continental Army led George Washington to become a strong advocate.\nIn 1781, most of the Continental Army was demobilized. Two years later, hundreds of Pennsylvania war veterans marched on Philadelphia, then the nation's capital, surrounded the State House, where the U.S. Congress was in session, and demanded back pay. Congress fled to Princeton, New Jersey, and several weeks later, the U.S. Army expelled the war veterans from Philadelphia. Congress progressively passed legislation from 1788 covering pensions and bonuses, eventually extending eligibility to widows in 1836.Before World War I, the soldiers' military service bonus (adjusted for rank) was land and money; a Continental Army private received 100 acres (40 ha) and $80.00 (2017: $1,968.51) at war's end, while a major general received 1,100 acres (450 ha). In 1855, Congress increased the land-grant minimum to 160 acres (65 ha), and reduced the eligibility requirements to fourteen days of military service or one battle; moreover, the bonus also applied to veterans of any Indian war. The provision of land eventually became a major political issue, particularly in Tennessee where almost 40% of arable land had been given to veterans as part of their bonus. By 1860, 73,500,000 acres (29,700,000 ha) had been issued and lack of available arable land led to the program's abandonment and replacement with a cash-only system. Breaking with tradition, the veterans of the Spanish–American War did not receive a bonus and after World War I, that became a political matter when they received only a $60 bonus ($1,010 in 2023). The American Legion, created in 1919, led a political movement for an additional bonus.\nOn May 15, 1924, President Calvin Coolidge vetoed a bill granting bonuses to veterans of World War I, saying: \"patriotism... bought and paid for is not patriotism.\" Congress overrode his veto a few days later, enacting the World War Adjusted Compensation Act. Each veteran was to receive a dollar for each day of domestic service, up to a maximum of $500 (equivalent to $8,500 in 2022), and $1.25 for each day of overseas service, up to a maximum of $625 ($10,670 in 2023). Deducted from this was $60, for the $60 they received upon discharge. Amounts of $50 or less were immediately paid. All other amounts were issued as Certificates of Service maturing in 20 years.There were 3,662,374 Adjusted Service Certificates issued, with a combined face value of $3.64 billion (equivalent to $62 billion in 2021). Congress established a trust fund to receive 20 annual payments of $112 million that, with interest, would finance the 1945 disbursement of the $3.638 billion for the veterans. Meanwhile, veterans could borrow up to 22.5% of the certificate's face value from the fund; but in 1931, because of the Great Depression, Congress increased the maximum value of such loans to 50% of the certificate's face value. Although there was congressional support for the immediate redemption of the military service certificates, Hoover and Republican congressmen opposed such action and reasoned that the government would have to increase taxes to cover the costs of the payout and so any potential economic recovery would be slowed.The Veterans of Foreign Wars continued to press the federal government to allow the early redemption of military service certificates.The first march of the unemployed was Coxey's Army in 1894, when armies of men from various regions streamed to Washington as a \"living petition\" to demand that the federal government create jobs by investing in public infrastructure projects. In January 1932, a march of 25,000 unemployed Pennsylvanians, dubbed \"Cox's Army\", had marched on Washington, D.C., the largest demonstration to date in the nation's capital, setting a precedent for future marches by the unemployed.\n\nCampsite\nMost of the Bonus Army (Bonus Expeditionary Force or BEF) camped in a form of a \"Hooverville\" on the Anacostia Flats (now Section C of Anacostia Park), a swampy, muddy area away from the federal core of Washington. Other veterans lived much closer, in partially demolished buildings on Pennsylvania Avenue near the Third Street SW. Although occupation of Anacostia Flats was against federal law, Glassford obtained permission off the record from his friend Major General Ulysses S. Grant III, Director of Public Buildings and Public Parks in the Capital, who promised to make no objection. The chosen site was located in the historically African American side of Anacostia; nearby were tennis courts and a baseball diamond, the latter of which was used by children of the camp. The War Department had refused a request by Senator James Hamilton Lewis to set up billets, so veterans, women and children lived in the shelters they built from materials dragged out of a junk pile nearby, which included old lumber, packing boxes, and scrap tin covered with roofs of thatched straw. The shack city was nicknamed Camp Marks, after the friendly Police Captain S.J. Marks.\nCamp Marks was tightly controlled by the veterans, who laid out streets, built sanitation facilities, set up an internal police force and held daily parades. A vibrant community arose revolving around several key sections, including the religious tent, where marchers could be heard expressing forbearance, trust in God and gratitude for what they had compared to other victims of the Depression. Also popular was the Salvation Army lending library, where marchers wrote letters home in its makeshift post office (postage stamps were more prized than cigarettes, it was said). To live in the camps, veterans were required to register and to prove they had been honorably discharged or provided a bonus certificate, at which point a membership card would be issued. The Superintendent of the D.C. Police, Pelham D. Glassford, worked with camp leaders to supply the camp with food and supplies.\nOn June 15, 1932, the US House of Representatives passed the Wright Patman Bonus Bill (by a vote of 211–176) to move forward the date for World War I veterans to receive their cash bonus. Over 6,000 bonus marchers massed at the U.S. Capitol on June 17 as the U.S. Senate voted on the Bonus Bill. The bill was defeated by a vote of 62–18.\n\nPolice shooting\nOn July 28, under prodding from President Herbert Hoover, the D.C. Commissioners ordered Pelham D. Glassford to clear their buildings, rather than letting the protesters drift away as he had previously recommended. When the veterans rioted, an officer (George Shinault) drew his revolver and shot at the veterans, two of whom, William Hushka and Eric Carlson, died later.\nWilliam Hushka (1895–1932) was an immigrant to the United States from Lithuania. When the US entered World War I in 1917, he sold his butcher shop in St. Louis, and joined the army. After the war, he lived in Chicago. He was buried in Arlington National Cemetery a week after being shot and killed by police.\nEric Carlson (1894–1932) was a veteran from Oakland, California, who fought in the trenches of France in World War I. He was interred in Arlington National Cemetery.During a previous riot, the Commissioners asked the White House for federal troops. Hoover passed the request to Secretary of War Patrick J. Hurley, who told MacArthur to take action to disperse the protesters. Towards the late afternoon, cavalry, infantry, tanks and machine guns pushed the \"Bonusers\" out of Washington.\n\nReports on communist elements\nAn Army intelligence report claimed that the BEF intended to occupy the Capitol permanently and instigate fighting, as a signal for communist uprisings in all major cities. It also conjectured that at least part of the Marine Corps garrison in Washington would side with the revolutionaries, hence Marine units eight blocks from the Capitol were never called upon. The report of July 5, 1932, by Conrad H. Lanza in upstate New York was not declassified until 1991.The Department of Justice released an investigative report on the Bonus Army in September 1932, noting that communists had attempted to involve themselves with the Bonus Army from the start, and had been arrested for various offenses during protests:\n\nAs soon as the bonus march was initiated, and as early as May, 1932, the Communist party undertook an organized campaign to foment the movement, and induced radicals to join the marchers to Washington. As early as the edition of May 31, 1932, the Daily Worker, a publication which is the central organ of the Communist party in the United States, urged worker veteran delegations to go to Washington on June 8th.In 1932, Hoover stated that the bulk of Bonus Army members behaved reasonably and a minority of what he described as communists and career criminals were responsible for most of the unrest associated with the events: \"I wish to state emphatically that the extraordinary proportion of criminal, Communist, and nonveteran elements amongst the marchers as shown by this report, should not be taken to reflect upon the many thousands of honest, law-abiding men who came to Washington with full right of presentation of their views to the Congress. This better element and their leaders acted at all times to restrain crime and violence, but after the adjournment of Congress a large portion of them returned to their homes and gradually these better elements lost control.\" In his 1952 memoir, Hoover stated that at least 900 of the Bonus Army were \"ex-convicts and Communists.\"In his memoir The Whole of Their Lives (1948) Benjamin Gitlow of the Communist Party USA reported that a number of communists had joined the Bonus Army during their trek across the nation, with the goal of recruiting people to the communist cause.A 2009 Encyclopedia Britannica blog post asserted these would-be communist organizers were largely rejected by the Bonus Army marchers: \"[T]here were communists present in the camps, led by John T. Pace from Michigan. But if Pace believed that Bonus Army was a ready-made revolutionary cadre, he was mistaken. The marchers routinely expelled avowed communists from the camps. They destroyed communist leaflets and other literature. And among their other slogans the veterans adopted a motto directed at the communists, 'Eyes front—not left!'\"\n\nArmy intervention\nAt 1:40 pm, General Douglas MacArthur ordered General Perry Miles to assemble troops on the Ellipse immediately south of the White House. Within the hour the 3rd Cavalry led by George S. Patton, then a Major, crossed the Memorial Bridge, with the 12th Infantry arriving by steamer about an hour later. At 4 pm, Miles told MacArthur that the troops were ready, and MacArthur (like Eisenhower, by now in service uniform) said that Hoover wanted him to \"be on hand as things progressed, so that he could issue necessary instructions on the ground\" and \"take the rap if there should be any unfavorable or critical repercussions.\"At 4:45 pm, commanded by MacArthur, the 12th Infantry Regiment, Fort Howard, Maryland, and the 3rd Cavalry Regiment, supported by five M1917 light tanks commanded by Patton , formed in Pennsylvania Avenue while thousands of civil service employees left work to line the street and watch. The Bonus Marchers, believing the troops were marching in their honor, cheered the troops until Patton ordered the cavalry to charge them, which prompted the spectators to yell, \"Shame! Shame!\"\nAfter the cavalry charged, the infantry, with fixed bayonets and tear gas (adamsite, an arsenical vomiting agent) entered the camps, evicting veterans, families, and camp followers. The veterans fled across the Anacostia River to their largest camp, and Hoover ordered the assault stopped. MacArthur chose to ignore the president and ordered a new attack, claiming that the Bonus March was an attempt to overthrow the US government. 55 veterans were injured and 135 arrested. A veteran's wife miscarried. When 12-week-old Bernard Meyer died in the hospital after being caught in the tear gas attack, a government investigation reported he died of enteritis, and a hospital spokesman said the tear gas \"didn't do it any good.\"During the military operation, Major Dwight D. Eisenhower, later the 34th president of the United States, served as one of MacArthur's junior aides. Believing it wrong for the Army's highest-ranking officer to lead an action against fellow American war veterans, he strongly advised MacArthur against taking any public role: \"I told that dumb son-of-a-bitch not to go down there,\" he said later. \"I told him it was no place for the Chief of Staff.\" Despite his misgivings, Eisenhower wrote the Army's official incident report that endorsed MacArthur's conduct.Although the troops were ready, Hoover twice sent instructions to MacArthur not to cross the Anacostia bridge that night, both of which were received. Shortly after 9 pm, MacArthur ordered Miles to cross the bridge and evict the Bonus Army from its encampment in Anacostia. This refusal to follow orders was claimed by MacArthur's assistant chief of staff George Van Horn Moseley. However, MacArthur's aide Dwight Eisenhower, Assistant Secretary of War for Air F. Trubee Davison, and Brigadier General Perry Miles, who commanded the ground forces, all disputed Moseley's claim. They said the two orders were never delivered to MacArthur and they blamed Moseley for refusing to deliver the orders to MacArthur for unknown reasons. The shacks in the Anacostia Camp were then set on fire, although who set them on fire is somewhat unclear.\n\nAftermath\nJoe Angelo, a decorated hero from the war who had saved Patton's life during the Meuse-Argonne offensive on September 26, 1918, approached him the day after to sway him. Patton, however, dismissed him quickly. This episode was said to represent the proverbial essence of the Bonus Army, each man the face of each side: Angelo the dejected loyal soldier; Patton the unmoved government official unconcerned with past loyalties.Though the Bonus Army incident did not derail the careers of the military officers involved, it proved politically disastrous for Hoover, and it is considered a contributing factor to his losing the 1932 election in a landslide to Franklin D. Roosevelt.Police Superintendent Glassford was not pleased with the decision to have the Army intervene, believing that the police could have handled the situation. He soon resigned as superintendent.\nMGM released the movie Gabriel Over the White House in March 1933, the month Roosevelt was sworn in as president. Produced by William Randolph Hearst's Cosmopolitan Pictures, it depicted a fictitious President Hammond who, in the film's opening scenes, refuses to deploy the military against a march of the unemployed and instead creates an \"Army of Construction\" to work on public works projects until the economy recovers. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt judged the movie's treatment of veterans superior to Hoover's.During the presidential campaign of 1932, Roosevelt had opposed the veterans' bonus demands. A second bonus march planned for the following year in May by the \"National Liaison Committee of Washington,\" disavowed by the previous year's bonus army leadership, demanded that the Federal government provide marchers housing and food during their stay in the capital. Despite his opposition to the marchers' demand for immediate payment of the bonus, Roosevelt greeted them quite differently than Hoover had done.  The administration set up a special camp for the marchers at Fort Hunt, Virginia, providing forty field kitchens serving three meals a day, bus transportation to and from the capital, and entertainment in the form of military bands.Administration officials, led by presidential confidant Louis Howe, tried to negotiate an end to the protest. Roosevelt arranged for his wife, Eleanor, to visit the site unaccompanied. She lunched with the veterans and listened to them perform songs. She reminisced about her memories of seeing troops off to World War I and welcoming them home. The most that she could offer was a promise of positions in the newly created Civilian Conservation Corps. One veteran commented, \"Hoover sent the army, Roosevelt sent his wife.\" In a press conference following her visit, the First Lady described her reception as courteous and praised the marchers, highlighting how comfortable she felt despite critics of the marchers who described them as communists and criminals.On May 11, 1933, Roosevelt issued an executive order allowing the enrollment of 25,000 veterans in the CCC, exempting them from the normal requirement that applicants be unmarried and under the age of 25. Congress, with Democrats holding majorities in both houses, passed the Adjusted Compensation Payment Act in 1936, authorizing the immediate payment of the $2 billion in World War I bonuses, and then overrode Roosevelt's veto of the measure. The House vote was 324 to 61, and the Senate vote was 76 to 19.\n\nIn literature\nThe shootings are depicted in Barbara Kingsolver's novel The Lacuna.The Bonus Marchers are detailed in John Ross's novel Unintended Consequences (novel)\nA fictionalized version of the Bonus March is depicted in the opening scenes of the 1995 movie In Pursuit of Honor\n\nSee also\nCoxey's Army\nFry's Army\nList of rallies and protest marches in Washington, D.C.\nList of incidents of political violence in Washington, D.C.\nOn-to-Ottawa Trek by Canadian veterans, 1935\nPassage 2:\nList of Occupy movement protest locations\nThe Occupy Wall Street protests, which started in 2011, inspired a wide international response. There have been hundreds of Occupy movement protests worldwide over time, intended and organized as non-violent protest against the wealthy, as well as banking institutions. Months before the Occupy movement began, the Movimiento 15-M planned to hold events in many nations on October 15, 2011.  The Occupy movement joined in and also held many events in many nations on that day. A list of proposed events for the 15 October 2011 global protests listed events in 951 cities in 82 countries. Protest camps were built at many of the protest locations, often near banking institutions or stock markets. Many locations had further manifestations at the following weekends until \"Guy-Fawkes\" day since the Guy Fawkes mask had become protester fashion. Many American Occupy groups were active until 2012, some are still active.\nOn the one-year anniversary of the Occupy Movement (September 17, 2012), The Guardian published the \"Occupy Directory\"'s \"map of the Occupy world\".\n\nAfrica\nAmerica\nCanada\nLatin America\nUnited States\nAsia\nEurope\nOceania\nSee also\nOther U.S. protests\n\nOther international protests\n\nRelated articles\nPassage 3:\nManjolai Labourers massacre\nManjolai labourers massacre or Thamirabarani massacre of 23 July 1999 was the death of 17 Dalit labourers, including two women and a two-year-old child, when they got into the river to escape Tamil Nadu Police lathi-charge. Public were going in procession to Tirunelveli Collectorate to submit a memorandum demanding wage settlement for the tea plantation workers of Manjolai estate. An altercation between the police and the marchers resulted in a lathi charge by police. When the marchers ran helter-skelter, many fell into the river and died.Human Rights Watch condemned the brutal police attack and killing of Dalit tea plantation workers.\n\nBackground\nOn 23 July 1999, a large number of labourers from the Tea estates of Manjolai congregated in Tirunelveli and marched towards the Collectorate demanding the release of a number of estate workers, who were arrested earlier for staging protest demanding better wages. The workers were being paid  70 per Day then and they were demanding the pay to be increased to  100. The workers were also demanding maternity leave, periodical breaks for women during the eight-hour-long duty. They were also opposing the decision of the estate owners to force workers to stay in sheds with poor facilities and deny right to rear cattle or even raise Gardens.\nA large contingent of stone throwing and lathi-wielding police brutally assaulted the protesters forcing them to run towards the river. As police continued to chase them to the river, many got into the river and drowned. Justice Mohan Commission that probed into the incident submitted that 11 of the 17 died due to drowning, while rest died due to injuries.\nEven now, much of their demands have not been met, but the estate workers have since been kept satisfied with a pay of  138 per Day.\n\nDocumentary film\nThe theme of the incident is the basis for Death of a river (Oru Nathiyin Maranam) a Tamil language documentary film released in 1999. The 59-minute Tamil film is the work of the Kanchanai Film Society, produced and directed by R R Srinivasan.\n\nSee also\nParamakudi riots\n1957 Ramnad riots\nPassage 4:\nPelham Road\nPelham Road, known as Shore Road within the Bronx, is a historic 4.1-mile (6.6 km) east-west arterial road that runs along the Long Island Sound shoreline from Pelham Bay Park in the Bronx through the southern Westchester County, New York communities of New Rochelle and Pelham Manor. The thoroughfare had its beginning as a Native American trail linking the important villages on Davenport Neck to those on Pelham Neck in Pelham. Between these points along the shore line there was an almost continuous chain of small Indian villages and camps. This waterfront area was especially advantageous, with many small coves in secure harbors and protected by adjacent islands and many small streams of water and abundant springs.The segment of Pelham Road in Westchester County is internally designated, but not signed, as County Route 65.\n\nHistory\nFrom early times, the section of the road from New Rochelle to the Pelham Town line was called the \"way to Mr. Pell's\" and \"Road to Pell's Manor\". Once at the Town of Pelham, the road was merely a private way of the Pells' through their Manor. There was little need for a public highway beyond that point for the manor was private property, and was of little importance to New Rochelle settlers who were not tenants of the Lord of the Manor and held their land practically free of all manorial rights.The Huguenot settlers of New Rochelle, in laying out their home lots from the Boston Road to the waterfront, crossed the trail with each lot, which was thereby cut into two parts. These lots were largely taken up by settlers interested in commercial enterprises north of the waterfront. Once the present Center Avenue, Drake Avenue and Weyman Avenue were opened to the shore from the Boston Road, public landings were built at their ends along the waterfront. By 1710, there were more than twice the number of houses along the New Rochelle shore as in the central part of the town on the Boston Road, however, the original Indian trail had still not been officially laid out as a road.Cooper-shops were put up along the shore and, as other trades increased, the neighborhood became more and more important as a business district. A patent was issued on November 20, 1754, to Samuel Rodman and John Wooley who established a ferry across the Sound to Cow Neck, Long Island and, in 1785, another ferry was established by Richard Sands, both landing adjacent to the Pelham Road. \". From this time on, for a century or more, Pelham Road more than held its own in competition with the Boston Road, although the latter had the advantage of being the through route from New York City to Boston, and was the stagecoach and mail route.\nAs early as 1829, the steamboat came to Pelham Road as a means of travel. The early boats landed at Town Dock Road, but they were transferred before 1833 to a new dock on Neptune Island, where they continued to land thereafter.\nThis was followed by the building of the Neptune House hotel on that island in 1837. Before this, a bridge had been erected across Eastchester Bay and a direct road opened connecting with Westchester Village, West Farms, Morrisania and New York City. These added to the importance of the Pelham Road by making it a major through route.The opening of the New York and New Haven Railroad in 1849 and the rapid development of traffic by train, rather than by boats or stagecoach, caused Pelham Road to dwindle in significance as a through route for travel. The business that had developed from the early days of the settlement along its route, gradually gave way to the rapid increase along the railroad route and the Boston Turnpike (Main Street).\nAfter the incorporation of the Village of New Rochelle (1857), the section of the road west of Center Avenue came to be called Pelham Road. In 1886, the New Rochelle and Pelham Railroad (horse-cars), was constructed along Shore Road from Center Avenue to the Neptune House Road, to connect with the ferry to Starin's Glen Island and the Government ferry to Davids Island. In 1898, an electric trolley line was substituted for the horse-cars, coming through Drake Avenue, and the tracks on Pelham Road were removed from Drake Avenue to Center Avenue. In 1928, by action of Westchester County, the road was widened and straightened over its entire length and became a through route for travel between New York City and New England points.\n\nPresent day\nThe irregularly meandering waterfront has been populated from the days of the Siwanoy Indians. Today, it is dotted by a series of water related businesses as well as private homes, and a number of private clubs and marinas. Davenport Neck juts into the Sound at the foot of Franklin Avenue. Once the provenance of the Davenport and Iselin families who maintained spacious estates on the Neck, it was subdivided into building lots, and with the exception of a few historic homes, is essentially a residential neighborhood built during the last third of the Twentieth Century.The area directly along Pelham Road is one of the more densely populated residential section of the city consisting of mid-rise apartment buildings, condominiums, and town-home complexes. It is the only major through route in the area and connects the affluent residential communities on Davenport's Neck and along the shore with the Downtown business district and northern New Rochelle.\nA number of parks and recreational areas are located here. Glen Island, at the south end of the City, contains Glen Island Park. Neptune Park is located at the foot of Fort Slocum Road on Neptune Island. Hudson Park, and the City's public beach, is located at Bonnefoy Point on the eastern end of Davenport Neck. The New Rochelle Rowing Club and the New Rochelle Municipal Marina are located adjacent to the north side of the park. On Echo Bay, the north end of the shoreline, are Five Islands Park, Clifford Island, Echo Island and Premium Point.\nThe College of New Rochelle, with its landmark \"Castleview\", is located in this area as is the late 1800s planned community Residence Park neighborhood.\nPassage 5:\nWestchester Avenue\nWestchester Avenue is a major east-west street in the South and East portions of the Bronx, New York City. It runs from Third Avenue and East 150th Street in the Hub to Pelham Bay Park in the Pelham Bay section. It crosses many neighborhoods of the Bronx, which include Melrose, Longwood, Soundview, Parkchester, and Pelham Bay. Westchester Avenue parallels the Bruckner Expressway until their junction at Pelham Bay Park.\nWith the exception of 0.5 miles (0.80 km) of its length, Westchester Avenue is underneath elevated tracks of the New York City Subway. The IRT White Plains Road Line (2 and ​5 trains) runs over Westchester Avenue from Brook Avenue to Southern Boulevard and the IRT Pelham Line (6 and <6>​ trains) runs over Westchester Avenue from Whitlock Avenue to its terminus at Pelham Bay Park. The Bx4/Bx4A buses use Westchester Avenue between Bergen Avenue and Parkchester (Bx4A) or Westchester Square (Bx4) while the Bx24 uses Westchester Avenue north of Westchester Square. The Bx8 and Bx27 use the road for short segments.\nPassage 6:\nHong Kong 1 July marches\nThe Hong Kong 1 July protests was an annual protest rally originally held by the Civil Human Rights Front from the day of handover in 1997 on the HKSAR establishment day. However, it was not until 2003 that the march drew large public attention by opposing the legislation of Basic Law Article 23. The 2003 protest, with 500,000 marchers, was the second-largest protest seen in Hong Kong since the 1997 handover.Prior to this, only the pro-democracy protest on 21 May 1989 drew more people with 1.5 million marchers in Hong Kong sympathising with the participants of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989. The introduction of Article 23 legislation was left aside due to the protest. Since then, 1 July marches have been organised every year to demand for democracy, universal suffrage, rights of minorities, protection of freedom of speech, and a variety of other political concerns.\nIn 2019, the anti-extradition bill protest on 16 June broke the record of largest protest in Hong Kong with nearly 2 million marchers. The 1 July march in the same year with 550,000 marchers, was the largest 1 July march.In 2020, despite a police ban citing gathering limits during the COVID-19 pandemic, and a dramatically altered legal situation due to the national security law that had come into force only the previous evening, marches with a total of tens of thousands of participants took place in several parts of the city. Police made more than 370 arrests, among which at least ten were on alleged violations of the new law.\n\n1997–2002\nAfter the 1997 handover to 2002, marches were organised annually by the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China.  By the end of 2002, the proposed anti-subversion legislation, as required by the Article 23 of the Basic Law, the constitutional document of the territory, sparked off heated debate and opposition. The public was worried civil rights and liberties would be adversely affected. The Civil Human Rights Front was formed by grassroots civil organisations and pro-democracy politicians. A march was held on 15 December 2002 from Victoria Park to the Central Government Offices, with a turnout of 65,000.\nThe government attempted to pass Article 23 in Legislative Council, tabling the vote for 9 July 2003. The debate continued for months, with the Hong Kong Government refusing to any concessions.  The bill eventually led to a series of 1 July marches.\n\n2003\nMotivation\nThe headline theme for the 2003 march was to oppose the anti-subversion Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23.  Fear of the loss of freedom of speech along with other freedoms, as well as a general dissatisfaction against the Hong Kong Government prompted a mass protest of hundreds of thousands of people on 1 July 2003. The government attempted to pass Article 23 in Legislative Council, tabling the vote for 9 July 2003. The debate continued for months, with the Government refusing to make any concessions. Other issues include a number of blunders by the Tung Chee Hwa administration adding to people's frustrations, including the \"Lexusgate\" scandal involving the Financial Secretary Antony Leung and the government's incompetent handling of the SARS health crisis, all against the backdrop of the state of the economy.\n\nFormation\nThe planners originally wanted all four football courts in Victoria Park, but all courts were booked for a pro-Beijing festival and fair. The organisers originally predicted only 20,000 demonstrators would participate. The actual number ranged from 350,000 (as quoted by the police) to 700,000 (as quoted by protesters) and even 1,000,000 (quoted from a pro-Falun Gong agency). The generally accepted figure is 500,000, a little less than one tenth the population at the time. Some Christian churches led by Rev. Chu Yiu Ming (朱耀明) of the Baptist Church and Roman Catholics led by Bishop Joseph Zen organised a prayer gathering in Victoria Park before the march which was attended by some 40,000 people. The Civil Human Rights Front was also organised. Members of Falun Gong also took part in the protest, but have been asked by the organisers to march at the end of the rally. The march was originally scheduled to start at 2:30 pm at the football pitch in Victoria Park, arriving at the government headquarter building. Their route stretched from Victoria Park football field through Causeway Bay and Central to the Government's Central offices. Nonetheless, the large numbers meant that people were still starting the march as late as 10 pm.\n\nAftermath\nAfter half-million people protested against the law, James Tien resigned from the Executive Council to vote against proposals for legislation as required under Article 23 of the Hong Kong Basic Law. The Government then backed down on the proposal because it lacked the necessary votes to pass the legislation after losing the support of Tien's Liberal Party.  Afterwards, Regina Ip and Antony Leung resigned, stating \"personal reasons\".\n\n2004\nThe headline theme for 1 July 2004 march was \"Striving For Universal Suffrage in '07 & '08 for the chief executive and Legislature respectively (爭取07, 08普選).\" As the National People's Congress Standing Committee attempted to modify the Basic Law on 6 April 2004 to deny direct elections for the chief executive in 2007 and the Legislative Council in 2008. There was much criticism as to the slogan for the 2004 protest by some Beijing bureaucrats and pro-Beijing political parties. The phrase \"Return power to the people\" was particularly inflammatory, because it implied that power was taken away from the people, according to pro-Beijing parties. Some pro-democracy political leaders such as Lau Chin-shek had considered changing the phrase, but many criticised this move as it was seen to be satisfying Beijing. The organisers kept the phrase.\n\nWhite was the dress code for the day representing the desire for universal suffrage. On the other hand, pro-government groups lobbied the public to wear red (the colour traditionally worn for celebratory occasion in Chinese culture) to take part in a counter-protest they were holding. Despite the dazzling heat, the number of turn out was still very high.  Numerous sources debated on the size of the actual turnouts. The organisers, Civil Human Rights Front, estimated that 530,000 took part in the demonstration, surpassing the number from the previous year, while the police set the figure at 200,000. The figures were disputed by many, saying that the number could not have been over 200,000. Dr. P.S. Yip Senior Lecturer of the Department of Statistics & Actuarial Science of the University of Hong Kong, suggested that the maximum number of participants could only have been around 192,000. The general acceptance is that the crowd size was smaller than the 2003 crowd.\n\n2005\nFollowing the 2004 protest, the next major event was Tung Chee-hwa's resignation in March 2005.  Two protests were held in 2005 including the annual 1 July event and a separate December 2005 protest for democracy.  The theme for the march was \"Oppose government collusion, striving for universal suffrage (反對官商勾結，爭取全面普選)\". The July protest mostly build its momentum from the 2004 protest with emphasis that a high degree of autonomy is needed along with more democracy.  The protest mostly stood up to the National People's Congress Standing Committee for trying to distort the Basic Law again.  Further questions were raised regarding maximum working hours, minimum wage, increase of sexual violence, divide between the rich and poor.\n\n2006\nThe theme for the march in 2006 was \"Creating Hopes for Universal Suffrage and Democracy With an Equal and Just Hong Kong (平等公義新香港，民主普選創希望)\".\nNot only did she openly support the implementation of universal suffrage in Hong Kong via the mass media, former Chief Secretary Anson Chan also called on Hong Kongers to express their desire by taking to the street. Some saw the move as Chan testing the water, paving way to the next chief executive election. Chan declined to comment until she formally announced that she has no interests in running for chief executive in September.\nLike previous years, counter-protest parade was held in the morning while the protest organised by the Civil Human Rights Front started at 15:00 the same day, marching from Victoria Park to Central Government Offices. 58,000 people took part in the protest this year, according to the organiser and the demonstration ended at about 19:00 peacefully.\n\n2007\n\"Achieving Universal Suffrage, Improving Livelihood (爭取普選，改善民生)\" was the theme for this year's demonstration. The organiser, Civil Human Rights Front, submitted an application for Notification of Public Procession to the Hong Kong Police (HKP) about twenty days before the march. Prior to the start of the protest, Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Hu Jintao had already left Hong Kong via the Shenzhen bay port.The police insisted that the organisers wrapped up the demonstration before 18:30 to facilitate the fireworks display that would take place that night over Victoria Harbour.  Displeased with by the limitations and restrictions set by the police, the organisers filed an appeal to the Appeal Board, which ruled on 26 June that the demonstration could last for four hours, from 14.30 to 18:30. Furthermore, the appeal board also required the police to open up all three westbound lanes to marchers.  The elder and physically challenged marchers would slack behind at the rally, and restricted the number of wheelchair participants to ten.\nCivil Human Rights Front estimated the turn out to be 68,000 while the Hong Kong Police put the figure with those who left from Victoria Park between 14:30 to 16:30 at 20,000. The University of Hong Kong estimated between 29,000 and 35,000 people took place in the demonstration.  Organisers suggested an estimate of 58,000 people.Cardinal Joseph Zen joined the march for the first time. Former Chief Secretary, Anson Chan has also taken part.\n\n2008\nOrganisers said more than 40,000 people attended.  Police put the starting figure at 13,000 when the march began.  One of the issues include Chief executive Donald Tsang, who was under fire for the hiring of his 17 new highly paid appointees.  Critics say they were handpicked allies brought in to boost his power base. Protest turnout for the year was expected to be less, with no pressing issues to be resolved.\n\n2009\nPan-democrats had expected at least 100,000 to take the streets for the march. Previously the 20th anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre at Hong Kong Victoria Park had a large turnout to commemorate the event.  Seven different events were expected to attract a total of 130,000 participants, as it was supposed to be the largest number of protests in a single day on Hong Kong island. A \"unity parade\" was organised by the pro-Beijing camp in the morning at Hong Kong Stadium. This celebrated the 12th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to China since 1997. Xinhua News Agency also set up a website to commemorate the event. The spectacle was matched with stadium performances as well as sports car displays on the streets.  Other events include protests by the Alliance of Lehman Brothers victims and one by the handicapped protesting at discrimination. chief executive Donald Tsang led senior government officials at the flag-raising ceremony at Wan Chai Golden Bauhinia Square.  The police band followed by a sea parade and fly-past by the disciplined services. The 2009 Hong Kong Broadcasting Authority forum followed on 14 July to talk about broadcast freedom.\n\n2010\nPreviously the pan-democracy camp was united in their goal to fight for universal suffrage for the city of 7 million people in 2012 and nothing less. After the consultation document for selecting the Chief exec and Legco politicians was passed in late June, there was no more universal suffrage.  Instead, Beijing signed an alternative method to choose the CE and Legco politicians. A controversial graffiti incident even took place after the consultations.\nThe pan-democrat camp was split.  Several hundred democratic party members faced verbal abuse throughout the march to the HK government headquarters for selling out to Beijing.  Protesters hurling chants of \"Shame on you\" and \"You betrayed Hong Kong people.\" About 52,000 people took part in the protest. A 2,000-person anniversary parade was organised by opposition pro-government groups. Two weeks after the protests, many have questioned the state of the Democratic party and whether protests are of any use, especially since HK is not a place where citizens make decisions for themselves.  Party chairman Albert Ho publicly responded \"Even if you replaced Donald Tsang with another chief, you still have to deal with the People's Liberation Army, which is another type of power.\n\n2011\nThe turnout for the 2011 protest was the highest since 2004. Organisers of the protest claimed a turnout of 218,000 people. There were quite a number of issues. Just two days before the protest, the government led by Stephen Lam tried to pass a bill to no longer allow by-elections, to block any more events similar to the Five Constituencies referendum. There were demands for Donald Tsang to step down, and bring in universal suffrage to both the 2012 chief executive and Legco election.There were complaints with land hogging and control by real estate companies. Unionists portrayed real estate tycoon Li Ka-shing as the devil. Other groups carried coffins to represent the small homes poor people live in. Hawkers complained about the high property rent that made it impossible to run their business.There were complaints of allowing more women from mainland China to give birth in Hong Kong. There were also people against the introduction of \"Patriotic education (國民教育)\" in primary and high schools in the special administrative region. Just a few days ago, 22 top HK schools rejected the plan, claiming they were against this type of \"brain wash education\". The post-90s generation were quite against this. During the protest about 228 protesters at Connaught Road were arrested.On 13 July People Power group led a three-day sit-in to protest against Stephen Lam, the blocking of by-elections and a number of issues.  About 1000 people put on handcuffs and surrounded the Legco building 3 times to protest police actions from 1 July march.  Hundreds of people also threw paper aeroplanes at the Legco building with political messages.\n\n2012\nThe 2012 protest on 1 July was the largest yet, with activists claiming 400,000 took part and police claiming 63,000 took part, both of which would have been the largest attendance at 1 July protests. These protests coincided with the 15th anniversary of the handover of Hong Kong attended by CPC General Secretary Hu Jintao and his swearing in of new chief executive CY Leung, who is alleged to be a closet member of the Chinese Communist Party, and has conflicts of interests over his business interests and has had unauthorised building work at his home.In addition, the widening gap between the rich and poor, with 20% of the city living in poverty, an influx of mothers from Mainland China, continued denial of universal suffrage to all individuals and suppression of freedom of speech in the Mainland featured in the protests.According to the University of Hong Kong, only 34% of locals said they are proud of being Chinese citizens, the lowest figure since 2001. Many protesters waved the British Hong Kong flag, showing resentment of the post-handover situation.Following the protests, a human rights group based in the city, the Chinese People's Rights Alliance claimed that disguised mainland Chinese security police followed and harassed them.  It also alleged that several mainlander protesters have gone missing once returning home to Mainland China.\n\n2013\nThe 1 July protest in 2013 focused on universal suffrage and other major issues. The Civil Human Rights Front, organiser of the annual march, said 430,000 people took part on Monday, compared to 400,000 last year. But police said just 35,500 left Victoria Park and 66,000 participated at its peak. The University of Hong Kong's public opinion programme estimated 93,000 took part.\n\n2014\nBefore the protests, a white paper by the Chinese government proclaimed that Hong Kong does not enjoy full autonomy, and that Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy was granted by the Chinese government. The departure in wording from emphasising the high degree of autonomy guaranteed by the Hong Kong Basic Law sparked controversy that the Chinese government was suggesting it could intervene in Hong Kong affairs, in effect redefining one country, two systems. The Hong Kong government earlier promised to residents that they will be able to vote for their new chief executive in the upcoming 2017 election, but it has been feared that the final process will favour candidates approved by Beijing.\nOn 1 July 2014, organisers said over 500,000 protesters marched along the streets of Hong Kong, while city officials estimated 100,000. A police force of around 5000 officers was present during the protest, and over 500 demonstrators were arrested for illegal assembly during a sit-in protest that followed on 2 July and disrupting traffic in Chater Road.\n\n2015\nOn 1 July, approximately 48,000 protesters marched to mark an anniversary of the British 1997 turnover of Hong Kong to China. The protesters call for \"full democracy\" and Leung Chun-ying's resignation as the city's leader. This protest had one of the lowest turnout in recent years, due to it being held after the veto of the 2014–15 Hong Kong electoral reform. The reform consultation process had sparked massive protests and widespread civil disobedience movements, including the Umbrella Revolution, and organisers of the 2015 July 1 March recognised that many democratically minded people preferred to rest after the controversial reform package had been stopped.\n\n2016\nOrganisers claim that around 110,000 people turned up to protest for various causes, but police claimed 19,300 joined the protest rally.\n\n2017\nOrganisers claim that around 66,000 people turned up to protest for various causes, but police claimed 14,500 joined the protest rally.\n\n2018\nOrganisers claim that around 50,000 people turned up to protest for various causes, but police claimed 9,800 joined the protest rally.\n\n2019\nThe 1 July marches coincided with the ongoing anti-extradition bill protests. Organisers claim that around 550,000 people turned up to protest, a record breaking turnout as the organisers claimed. However, police claimed 190,000 joined the protest rally. Researchers combining artificial intelligence and statistical counting techniques reported an initial count of 265,000 people marched, and an adjusted total of 276,970 was published a peer-reviewed journal. Independent polling organisation, PORI, estimated attendance at 260,000. Reuters counted the number of protestors at one location over 15-minute periods during the march and came to an estimate of 227,000 people in total.Before the march, youths had begun besieging the Legislative Council building. The march was later diverted to Chater Road in Central due to the people amassed in front of the Legislative Council.At around 9 pm local time, hundreds of protesters stormed the legislature after breaking through the glass walls and metal doors of the building. Protesters caused extensive damage by ransacking the premises, damaging portraits of former pro-Beijing presidents of the Legislative Council, and smashing furniture. Protesters spray-painted slogans, hung up signs and erected barricades. The police started using tear gas to disperse protesters around the LegCo at 12:05 am, and reached the building 15 minutes later.By early 5 July, there had been at least 66 arrests and first formal charges laid in connection with the incident.\n\n2020\nDespite a ban from the police, tens of thousands of protesters showed up alongside heavy police presence in Causeway Bay, Wan Chai, and Tin Hau, and lingered in the area for almost six hours to voice their objection against the newly implemented national security law. The police responded by deploying water cannon at journalists and protesters and dispersed many tear gas and pepper balls. A journalist was knocked down by a police water cannon truck. Police made more than 370 arrests, among which at least ten were due to alleged violation of the new law.\n\n2021 and demise\nThe streets of Hong Kong were subdued on 1 July 2021, as the former British colony marked the anniversary of its handover to Chinese sovereignty 24 years ago. The date, which this year coincided with celebrations on the mainland for the 100th Anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party, is usually a time of protest in Hong Kong. But this year, police cited pandemic concerns as they denied applications to hold a proposed march against \"political suppression,\" and some 10,000 officers were deployed across Hong Kong to prevent unauthorised protests.\n\nSee also\nPolitics of Hong Kong\nList of politics-related topics\nHong Kong new year marches\n20th anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre\n2014 Hong Kong protests\nMemorials for the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre\nPassage 7:\nNichidatsu Fujii's movement\nIn 1981, Nichidatsu Fujii dispatched his followers to march and chant around the globe in support of the U.N. 2nd. special session for disarmament. In the U.S., marchers began in New Orleans, Los Angeles and San Francisco, and in Canada, marchers began in Montreal and Toronto. The San Francisco March began on Oct. 21, 1981 with a ceremony on Alcatraz. 13 marchers, being Buddhist followers of Nipponzan-Myōhōji, Native Americans, U.S. and German citizens, began the S.F. march. marching about 20 mile per day they were hosted each night by community groups in every town and on Native reservations. many mayors and town councils made proclamations and such honoring the peace and disarmament marchers. Over the course of the march citizens were moved to join. By the time they arrived in Chicago the S.F. marchers numbered about 30. In May 1982 the group of about 40 marchers from Toronto joined the S.F. group in Buffalo N.Y. at the International Peace Bridge doubling the size of the group. Through the state of N.Y. 10 to 20 people joined the march daily. When the S.F. group walked across the George Washington Bridge they numbered about 300. The groups on other march routes also grew over the 7 months. On June 12, 1982, in Central Park Nipponzan-Myōhōji marchers from the U.S.A., Europe, Africa, and Asia, joined with mobilization for survival organizers and religious and peace groups from around the world in a peaceful demonstration for disarmament of many million people.\nPassage 8:\nPelham, New York\nPelham  is a suburban town in Westchester County, approximately 10 miles northeast of Midtown Manhattan. As of the 2020 census, it had a population of 13,078, an increase from the 2010 census.   Historically, Pelham was composed of five villages and became known as \"the Pelhams\". Pelham currently contains two independently incorporated villages: the Villages of Pelham and Pelham Manor.Approximately 28 minutes away from Grand Central Terminal by the Metro-North Railroad's New Haven Line, Pelham is home to many New York City commuters and has an active social community for its residents. The Bronx–Whitestone Bridge is approximately 8.5 miles (13.7 km) south of the town. It is also 13 miles (21 km) northeast of LaGuardia Airport and 19.5 miles (31.4 km) north of John F. Kennedy International Airport.\n\nGeography\nAccording to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 2.4 square miles (6.2 km2). It is directly north of the New York City borough of the Bronx, and borders Eastchester, New Rochelle, and Mount Vernon.\n\nHistory\nIn 1654, Thomas Pell bought the area within the present-day town from the Siwanoy Indians. He named his manor \"Pelham\" in honor of his tutor, Pelham Burton.The Town of Pelham was part of Westchester County when it was established by the post-Revolution New York State legislature in 1788. It included all of City Island and present-day Pelham Bay Park east of the Hutchinson River. In 1889, the town was incorporated at its current boundaries. In 1891, the village of Pelham Manor incorporated. In 1896, the village of North Pelham and the village of Pelham incorporated. In 1975, the villages of North Pelham and Pelham merged, forming the present village of Pelham.The Village of Pelham and the Village of Pelham Manor share several services such as school and recreational activities.  There is a grassroots movement to continue the consolidation of services in order to reduce taxes. Given the differences in debt levels, tax rates, population and tax base such a consolidation has been opposed by many Pelham Manor residents. Such a merger is unlikely under current conditions.\nFor many years after 1916, Pelham was the headquarters of the Sanborn Map Company, which produced Sanborn maps.\nThe Pelham Picture House was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 2010.The book, The Haunted History of Pelham, New York, documents the history of Pelham and the region, including ghost stories.\n\nDemographics\nAs of the census of 2000, there were 12,107 people, 4,149 households and 3,190 families residing in the town. The population density was 5,523.4 people per square mile (2,132.6 people/km2). There were 4,246 housing units at an average density of 1,976.4 per square mile (763.1/km2).\nThe racial makeup of the town was 87.33% White, 4.57% Black or African American, 0.08% Native American, 3.96% Asian, 1.82% from other races and 2.23% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino people of any race were 6.02% of the population.\nThere were 4,149 households, out of which 41.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 64.4% were married couples living together, 9.7% had a female householder with no husband present and 23.1% were non-families. 19.4% of all households were made up of individuals, and 8.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.86 and the average family size was 3.31.\nIn the town, the population was spread out, with 28.6% under the age of 18, 5.1% from 18 to 24, 28.3% from 25 to 44, 25.1% from 45 to 64 and 12.9% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.4 males.\nFor every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 86.9 males.\nThe median income for a household in the town was $91,810 and the median income for a family was $112,339. Males had a median income of $74,760 versus $46,086 for females. The per capita income for the town was $51,548. About 2.2% of families and 3.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 4.3% of those under age 18 and 3.2% of those age 65 or over.\n\nEconomy\nMajor employers in Pelham include Pico Electronics, Barksdale Home Care Services Corp., Pelham Public Schools, the New York Athletic Club, and the De Cicco & Sons grocery. Other companies based in Pelham include Archie Comics.\n\nClimate\nEducation\nPelham is home to four elementary schools (two located in each village), one middle school, and one high school. The elementary schools are Hutchinson, Colonial, Siwanoy, and Prospect Hill. Pelham Middle School and Pelham Memorial High School gather students for all of Pelham. These are all part of the Pelham Union Free School District. There are also several private and religious based schools. Since 1948, New York City has paid the district to educate children who live in Bronx Manor, as doing so is less expensive than sending school buses there.\n\nFire department\nThe Village of Pelham Fire Department has 10 firefighters and five lieutenants, using one fire station. The fleet has two engines, one ladder, one utility unit, and a command vehicle. The Pelham Fire Department responds to approximately 800 emergency calls annually.\n\nReligion\nSt. Catharine's Catholic Church\nSt. Catharine's was originally a mission church of St Gabriel's parish in New Rochelle. In July 1896 a frame church was built in the newly incorporated village of Pelham on land donated by Mr. and Mrs. Patrick Farrell. In December 1897 St. Catharine's became a separate parish with Rev. Francis P. McNichol as first pastor. A school was established in 1904, staffed by the Sisters of St. Francis. At the end of the school year in 1983 St. Catharine's School closed bringing to an end 75 years of Catholic education in the parish. The school building was converted to a Parish Center to provide space for Religious Education classes, parish activities and groups to meet. A new church was dedicated in 1909.In 1936 W. T. Grant, who owned a chain of five-and-ten cent stores, gave property in Pelham Manor to St. Catharine's to serve as a separate “mission”. The mission evolved to become Our Lady of Perpetual Help parish, with its own church building. In 2014 it was announced that the two parishes would merge, with the newer, larger Our Lady of Perpetual Help building designated as the parish church. However, St. Catharine's Church in the Village of Pelham was retained as a worship center.\n\nTransportation\nThe Bee-Line Bus System provides bus service to Pelham.On Amtrak, Pelham is located closest to the New Rochelle station (\"NRO\") on the Northeast Corridor. On Metro-North Railroad, the Pelham station is within Fare Zone 12 on the New Haven Line. Pelham is also about 28 minutes from Grand Central Terminal.\n\nNotable people\nNancy Allen, New York Philharmonic harpist\nLiborio Bellomo, boss of the Genovese crime family\nAlessandra Biaggi (born 1986), New York State Senator\nNick Bollettieri (1931-2022), tennis coach\nCharles Lewis Bowman, architect, designed nine homes\nFelix Cavaliere (born 1942), musician- founder of The Young Rascals\nAntonio Ciacca, jazz pianist, composer and conductor\nJoseph Cross, Hollywood actor, starred in films such as Jack Frost, Milk, and Lincoln\nTony DeMeo, retired college football coach, author, and motivational speaker\nKate Douglass, 2020 Tokyo Olympics swimmer, bronze medal winner\nBrett Gardner (born 1983), Major League Baseball player\nC. P. H. Gilbert, architect best known for designing townhouses and mansions, retired in Pelham Manor at his home on 216 Townsend Avenue\nHerman 'Jackrabbit' Smith-Johannsen (1875-1987), Norwegian credited for introducing cross-country skiing to North America\nMary Lorson, musician\nRichard Rood (born 1955), Grammy Award-winning violinist\nClinton Roosevelt (1804–1898), politician and inventor\nEthel Schwabacher (1903—1984), abstract expressionist painter\nMichael Schwerner (1939-1964), civil rights worker murdered by the Ku Klux Klan while helping African-Americans register to vote in Mississippi\nGary Scott (born 1968), Major League Baseball player\nGene Stone (born 1951), writer and editor\nJames M. Stone, Founder, Chairman, and CEO, Plymouth Rock Assurance\nDame Nita Barrow, Ambassador to the United Nations for Barbados\n\nImage gallery\nPassage 9:\nPelham D. Glassford\nPelham Davis Glassford (August 8, 1883 – August 9, 1959) was a United States Army officer who attained the rank of brigadier general during World War I. He later served as Superintendent of the District of Columbia Police Department, and was in large measure held responsible for the violence that ended the 1932 Bonus Army protests.\nThe son of a career Army officer, Glassford graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1904 and was commissioned in the Field Artillery. His early assignments included the 1st Field Artillery Regiment at Fort Riley, the West Point faculty and 1st Field Artillery postings to the Philippines and Hawaii. In 1916 and 1917 he served with the 5th Field Artillery during the Pancho Villa Expedition.\nDuring World War I, Glassford directed two artillery schools in France, commanded a Field Artillery regiment, and then commanded a Field Artillery brigade. He was promoted to brigadier general in 1918, and was the Army’s youngest general officer at the time.\nAfter the war, Glassford commanded a Field Artillery Brigade in the Army of Occupation. He also graduated from the Army War College, served in several staff and faculty assignments, and commanded the 1st Field Artillery Regiment. He retired from the Army in 1931.\nFollowing his military retirement, Glassford was Superintendent of the District of Columbia Police, a position he resigned because of disagreement over the actions taken against the Bonus Army in 1932. He subsequently served briefly as chief of police in Phoenix, and was a federal labor-management mediator in California. During World War II, Glassford returned to active duty and served for nearly two years in the office of the Provost Marshal General.\nIn his later years, Glassford’s hobbies included painting; he created landscapes and seascapes in watercolors.  His works continue to be exhibited, and are bought and sold by collectors.\nGlassford died in California in 1959. He was buried at Fort Rosecrans National Cemetery.\n\nEarly life\nGlassford was born in Las Vegas, New Mexico on August 8, 1883, the son of Allie (Seymour) Glassford and Army officer William A. Glassford (1853–1931).  He graduated from West Point in 1904 ranked 18th of 124 graduates, and was commissioned as a second lieutenant of Field Artillery.\n\nStart of career\nAfter his initial service at Fort Riley, Kansas, in 1907 Glassford was promoted to first lieutenant and graduated from the Mounted Service School.  He was then posted to West Point to serve on the faculty as an instructor in the department of drawing.From 1911 to 1913, Glassford served in the Philippines with the 1st Field Artillery Regiment.  In 1913 he was assigned to Hawaii with the 1st Field Artillery, and in 1914 he was promoted to captain.In 1916 and 1917, Glassford served on the US-Mexico border with the 5th Field Artillery during the Pancho Villa Expedition.  At the start of World War I, he was promoted to major and assigned as adjutant of the 5th Field Artillery during its premobilization training.\n\nWorld War I\nUpon arrival in France with his regiment, Glassford was promoted to temporary lieutenant colonel and assigned as secretary of the Field Artillery School of Instruction in Saumur.  He was subsequently assigned as director of the I Corps field artillery school.  In early 1918, Glassford returned to the Saumur school as commandant, and he served until he was promoted to temporary colonel and named commander of the 103rd Field Artillery Regiment in June.Glassford commanded the 103rd Field Artillery until August, and took part in several battles, including Xivray-et-Marvoisin, the Second Battle of the Marne, the Battle of Château-Thierry, and the Meuse-Argonne Offensive.  He was wounded in September, but continued in command.In October, Glassford was promoted to temporary brigadier general and assigned to command the 51st Field Artillery Brigade, 26th Division; at the time of this promotion, he was the youngest general officer in the Army.  During the war, Glassford became known for riding a motorcycle between his subordinate units so he could perform reconnaissance and conduct command and control based on personal observations rather than reports to a command post.  Glassford trained his brigade to become proficient in the technique of reloading on a cannon's recoil; while this practice posed risk to crew members who might be injured by the moving recoil mechanism, it enabled 26th Division artillery crews to shoot so fast that German soldiers were convinced the Americans had automatic fire artillery pieces.\n\nPost-World War I\nGlassford commanded the 51st Field Artillery Brigade until February 1919, when he was assigned to command the 152nd Field Artillery Brigade, a unit of the 77th Division.  He returned to the United States with his brigade in July, reverted to his permanent rank of major, and was assigned to the office of the Chief of Field Artillery.  Later that year he was assigned to the faculty of the General Service Schools at Ft. Leavenworth.In 1924, Glassford graduated from the Army War College, after which he remained at the school to serve on the faculty.  In 1927 and 1928, Glassford commanded the 1st Field Artillery Regiment at Fort Sill.Glassford subsequently returned to the War Department staff and served as chief of the Mobilization Branch in the Operations and Training Division. He was promoted to lieutenant colonel in 1928.  Glassford retired in July 1931, and his rank of brigadier general was restored at his retirement as the result of a 1930 law which enabled World War I generals to retire at the highest rank they had held.During his career, Glassford was known for his out of the ordinary excursions into fields outside the Army.  He would frequently save his military leave, and then use it in large blocs to take long motorcycle trips or work in jobs that were atypical for a military professional, which included circus barker and newspaper reporter.\n\nLater career\nWashington, DC police chief\nIn November 1931, Glassford was appointed Superintendent of the District of Columbia’s Metropolitan Police Department.  Known for his sense of humor, when queried by a reporter as to his qualifications for the job, Glassford quipped: \"Well, I've been arrested.  Once for driving through a red light and once for speeding on a motorcycle.\"  His tenure was most notable for the Summer 1932 response to the Bonus Army, World War I veterans who converged on Washington during the Great Depression to advocate for early payment of bonuses that were scheduled to be paid in 1945.Members of the Bonus Army established encampments in and around the District of Columbia.  Glassford worked to accommodate them, visiting their leaders daily by motorcycle to help maintain order, and arranging for volunteers to provide medical care, as well as donations of food, clothing, tents, and other supplies.  Favorable Congressional action was not forthcoming, and many Bonus Army members accepted the government's offer of free transportation home.  President Herbert Hoover ordered the remaining veterans to be removed, by force if necessary.  Glassford managed to obtain a six day extension before enforcement, hoping to persuade the Bonus Army members to depart voluntarily.  On July 28, U.S. Attorney General William D. Mitchell ordered the veterans who remained to be removed from government property.  Glassford’s police began to execute the order; they were met with resistance, and during an exchange of shots, two veterans were wounded and later died.After the shooting, President Herbert Hoover ordered the Army to force the veterans' out of the Washington area.  General Douglas MacArthur, the Chief of Staff of the Army, took personal command of infantry and cavalry units, which were supported by six tanks. The Army forcibly ejected the Bonus Army members, and wives and children who had accompanied some of them were also forced to leave.  The Army then burned the campsites.Glassford had established a positive relationship with leaders of the Bonus Army, and disagreed with Hoover and Mitchell about the need to eject the members and destroy the campsites.  He also disagreed with the need to use Army troops against the Bonus Army, which brought him into conflict with other members of the police department leadership.  When Glassford was unable to name appointees who agreed with his policies, he submitted his own resignation, and left the police department in December 1932.\n\nMove to Arizona\nGlassford retired to a farm near Phoenix.  He mounted a brief run for governor of Arizona in 1934, and also that year accepted a federal appointment to mediate labor-management disputes between workers and owners of lettuce and cantaloupe farms in Imperial Valley, California.  Faced with workers striking in an effort to obtain better pay and working conditions, conservative farm owners resorted to violence, spying on attorneys sent to California to aid the workers, and propaganda asserting that the strike was communist-inspired.  Though Glassford was initially sympathetic to the farm owners, their tactics caused him to come down on the side of the workers.\n\nPhoenix police chief\nIn March 1936, Glassford was hired to serve as chief of the Phoenix Police Department for 90 days.  The temporary appointment came with a mandate to reorganize and reform the department to end corruption and outside political influence, and restore morale.  He left the position on May 1, when a new mayor and city council took office and decided on a different reorganization plan.  In September 1936, Glassford was an unsuccessful candidate for the Democratic nomination in Arizona's 1st congressional district.\n\nWorld War II\nIn March 1942, Glassford was recalled to active duty for World War II and assigned to duty as internal security director in the office of the Provost Marshal General.  He retired again in December 1943.\n\nAwards\nGlassford was a recipient of the Distinguished Service Medal, Silver Star, Legion of Merit, and Purple Heart.\n\nCareer as artist\nGlassford was an artist; among friends in the military, he was well known for his paintings of fireplace screens.  After his military retirement, he worked primarily in watercolors; his second wife and he resided in Laguna Beach, California, and many of Glassford’s paintings depicted scenes of Newport Beach, Balboa Harbor and other areas of the southern California coast.\n\nDeath and burial\nGlassford died in Laguna Beach on August 9, 1959.  He was buried at Fort Rosecrans National Cemetery in San Diego.\n\nFamily\nIn 1908, Glassford married Cora Carleton (1887–1958), the daughter of US Army General Guy Carleton (1857–1946).  They were the parents of four children: Guy Carleton (1908–1974), Cora Elizabeth (Mrs. Lee Parke) (1910–1986), Pelham Davis (1911–1992), and Dorothy Seymour (Mrs. William Graham) (1913–1977).The Glassfords divorced in 1932. In 1934, Pelham Glassford married Lucille Painter (1906–1957).Glassford’s brother William A. Glassford, was a graduate of the United States Naval Academy who attained the rank of vice admiral before retiring in 1946.\n\nBiography\nCora Carleton Glassford prepared a biography of her husband, One Life is Not Enough, the manuscript for which is part of the Cora Carleton Glassford Papers.  Cora Carleton Glassford's papers are included in the collections of the Daughters of the Republic of Texas Library.\n\nDates of rank",
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  "questions": [
    {
      "question_id": "q00",
      "qtype": "hotpotqa",
      "question": "How many marchers were in the protest that Pelham D. Glassford ended? "
    }
  ]
}