spb/wp30_uqo

1{2  "document_id": "lb_hotpotqa_77a3188a3b97619e1661cc289bb1a951308223219592696b",3  "family": "public_hotpotqa",4  "split": "test",5  "text": "Passage 1:\nMikkeli hostage crisis\nThe Mikkeli hostage crisis, or Jakomäki bank robbery took place on 8–9 August 1986, which ended in Mikkeli, South Savo, Finland, outside of the Mikkeli County Government House on Maaherrankatu. The crisis began when the perpetrator, Jorma Kalevi Takala (born July 11, 1950) took three hostages in Helsinki in a bank robbery, with whom he traveled by car to Mikkeli. The event ended when Takala blew up his car, killing himself and hostage Jukka Häkkinen (born May 13, 1961). In the aftermath of the incident, the Finnish police were subjected to harsh criticism.\n\nEvents\nThe events began on 8 August 1986, when Jorma Takala, armed with a sawed-off shotgun and an explosive charge, entered the Kansallis-Osake-Pankki bank in Jakomäki, Helsinki. Takala took twelve people inside the bank as his hostages. After receiving 2.5  million Finnish marks and a getaway car in exchange for most of the hostages, he left the bank with three remaining hostages, two female and one male. Takala forced the male hostage to drive the car, following Highway 4 and later Highway 5. \nThe party arrived in Mikkeli on 9 August, where they parked in front of the Mikkeli County Government House. Finnish police surrounded the vehicle and tried to negotiate with Takala. When he threatened to blow up the car if he was not allowed to continue his journey, the police advised the hostages to leave the vehicle. Both female hostages complied, after which the police started to shoot at the car. In response, Takala detonated the charge and destroyed the vehicle, killing both himself and the male hostage. Nine police officers were injured in the explosion.\n\nAftermath\nThe police received much criticism for its handling of the crisis. Nobody knew who gave the order to shoot at the car and initially none of the police commanders took the responsibility for the operation. After an investigation by the NBI, Chancellor of Justice Jorma S. Aalto decided not to prosecute the police officers for the events. In 1993, the Supreme Court of Finland convicted the police commissioner who led the operation of involuntary manslaughter and negligence and fined him 6,000 mk.\nPassage 2:\nGraham Perkin\nEdwin Graham Perkin (16 December 1929 – 16 October 1975) was an Australian journalist and newspaper editor.\n\nEarly life\nPerkin was born at Hopetoun, Victoria, elder son of Herbert Edwin Perkin, baker, and his wife Iris Lily, née Graham, both Victorian born. Graham grew up at Warracknabeal and was educated at the local high school. In 1948 he began to study law at the University of Melbourne, but abandoned his course in the following year when he obtained a cadetship with The Age. At the Methodist Church, St Kilda, on 6 September 1952 he married Peggy Lorraine Corrie.\n\nCareer\nAs a young reporter, Perkin rapidly acquired a reputation for enthusiasm and restless energy. In 1955 he won a Kemsley scholarship in journalism which took him to London. Returning to Australia as a feature writer, he shared the Walkley Award for journalism in 1959 for an article on pioneering heart surgery. His rise in the newspaper hierarchy was rapid: he became deputy news editor in 1959, news editor in 1963, assistant-editor in 1964 and editor (at the age of 36) in 1966. He was appointed to the additional post of editor-in-chief in 1973.\nPerkin turned The Age into a more interventionist and campaigning newspaper. It exposed financial scandals in State governments and corruption in the police force, and attacked Federal governments for suppressing information. In the process, it attracted critics who thought it too 'leftist'. In 1972 The Age, which had traditionally supported Coalition governments, advocated the election of Gough Whitlam's Australian Labor Party. When that government was forced to an early election in 1974, Perkin wanted to support Whitlam again. His stand led to a conflict with the board of David Syme & Co. Ltd, owner and publisher of The Age. A compromise, supported by the managing director Ranald Macdonald, narrowly averted Perkin's resignation. It also reinforced his insistence on editorial independence, subject to the management's right to dismiss an editor in whom it had lost confidence.\nHowever, Perkin turned violently on Whitlam a year later when he published details of a murky land deal involving Phillip Cairns, the son of Deputy Prime Minister Jim Cairns, and Rex Connor, the Minister for Minerals and Energy. Perkin had won a bidding war for the information, setting aside his normal opposition to buying stories because he felt the story was one of overwhelming importance. Perkin's editorials grew more and more critical of Whitlam, culminating in the elemental editorial \"Go now, go decently\" in which he called for the government to step down. It began with the words 'We will say it straight, and clear, and at once. The Whitlam Government has run its course.' Perkin died of a heart attack on 16 October 1975 at his Sandringham home at the age of 45.\nThe Age became a more substantial, wider ranging, better written and significantly more influential newspaper. Perkin's reforms and his willingness to speak out strongly in defence of the paper's policies boosted circulation from a stagnant 180,000 in 1965 to a solid 222,000 ten years later. The company's revenues rose correspondingly. Perkin was also director (from 1966) of Australian Associated Press, its chairman in 1970-72, and a director of Reuters Ltd, London, in 1971-74.\n\nPersonal life\nHis wife, their son Steve, and their daughter Corrie – both journalists – survived him. Peggy later remarried, and died in 2012, aged 81.\n\nGraham Perkin Journalism Award\nThe Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award, an annual prize, was established in 1976.\n\nBibliography\nHills, Ben, Breaking News: The Golden Age of Graham Perkin, Scribe, 2010. ISBN 978-1-921640-37-7\nPassage 3:\n1991 Sacramento hostage crisis\nOn April 4, 1991, 41 employees and customers were taken hostage and held at a Good Guys! electronics store at the corner of 65th Street and Stockton Boulevard in Florin, California, near the Florin Mall (now Florin Towne Centre) for approximately eight hours by four gunmen. Near the end of the hostage crisis, six were killed: three hostages and three of the four hostage-takers. The fourth hostage-taker was captured by authorities, and an additional 14 hostages were injured during the crisis. To this day, the hostage crisis remains the largest hostage rescue operation in US history, with over 40 hostages having been held at gunpoint.\n\nEvent\nBackground\nThe four gunmen were all Vietnamese immigrants: brothers Loi Khac Nguyen, 21; Pham Khac Nguyen, 19; and Long Khac Nguyen, 17; and their friend, Cuong Tran, 17. The Nguyens had fled Vietnam as a family of eight in 1979 at the start of the second wave of Vietnamese refugees, first sailing to Malaysia and remaining anchored there for the first seven months, then waiting for four more months in an Indonesian refugee camp before they arrived in California in 1980. The entire family lived in a two-bedroom apartment 1⁄2 mile (0.80 km) from the Good Guys! store. Cuong Tran had moved with his parents into a new home in Elk Grove 15 months before the hostage crisis.Tran and Long Nguyen were friends and classmates at Florin High School; both had been expelled in March 1991 after stealing athletic equipment and attempting to set fire to the building. Loi Nguyen had attended Valley High School but dropped out during his senior year. Pham Nguyen was attending William Daylor High School (a continuation school) after having transferred from Valley following attendance issues.On the day of the hostage crisis, Pham Nguyen briefly came to school and asked to be excused with a toothache. The Nguyen brothers told their parents they were going fishing at the Sacramento River.\n\nStart of the siege\nAt approximately 1:00 p.m., on April 4, 1991, the four young gunmen drove into the parking lot of the Good Guys! electronics store, in the South Area of Sacramento County. The group left their vehicle, a 1982 Toyota Corolla, and entered the store armed with three pistols and a shotgun. They had purchased the guns legally at a local sporting goods store the prior week, following a background check and waiting period. Although reported, the gunmen were not members of the Oriental Boys gang, and the hostage-taking and subsequent crisis were not considered to be gang-related.They herded customers and staff into a group, including a shoplifter attempting to leave the store, and began shooting at the ceiling of the store. One employee escaped after being ordered to lock the doors. Although initial reports indicated they had taken the hostages after a failed robbery attempt, subsequent statements to hostages and negotiators instead proved \"they were attempting to gain notoriety,\" according to Sacramento County Sheriff Glen Craig. They were frustrated with their lives in the United States since it was difficult to find good jobs and expressed a desire to travel to Thailand and fight the Viet Cong, according to two of the hostages.\n\nLaw enforcement and media response\nWhen the 9-1-1 call came in at 1:33 p.m., the Sacramento County Sheriff's Department Special Enforcement Detail (SED) was already in the process of gearing up in anticipation of executing a previously planned drug raid. They immediately paged off-duty team members and began preparations to rush to the scene along with the Department's Critical Incident Negotiations Team (CINT) and other local and state law enforcement agencies.\nAs the situation developed, the local media descended on the area in force, broadcasting the unfolding incident. They were able to get footage of the event because of the store's huge glass front doors, which allowed video crews to see into the store where the hostage-takers lined up some of the hostages in front of the entrance as human shields.\n\nSurveillance and negotiation\nFollowing the standard operating procedure, the team obtained a floor plan of the building, which was copied and distributed to team members. The SED team was told that there was only one entrance to the store that was not alarmed: a freight entrance located at the rear of the store. Their only option would be to enter the store's showroom, where the hostages were being held, through a fabrics store on the north side of the building. The entry team gained entrance to the fabric store and slowly moved into position. The criminals apparently heard movement by the police amid shouts of \"stay away from the door\" coming from inside the store itself.\nOne of the entry team members removed a ceiling panel in the hallway between the two buildings and inserted a pole-mounted mirror. He was able to observe the subjects directing hostages to place large boxes against the back door to block entry. Once the door was barricaded, the area was abandoned. A fisheye camera was installed by the team but was of limited use because of the design of the store, showing only a portion of the showroom near the door. By this time, the hostages had been tied up with speaker wire and had been arranged inside the store's glass front entrance doors in standing and kneeling positions.\nFor more than two hours, the department's CINT tried to end the incident peacefully by negotiating with the hostage-takers. Negotiations were initially conducted from police headquarters, and a special negotiation team took over on-site after a few hours from a bank that had been evacuated. The hostage-takers demanded $4 million, forty 1,000-year-old ginseng roots, four bulletproof vests, a 50-troop military helicopter, and transportation for everyone to Thailand after a refueling stop in Alaska. Throughout the incident, the hostage-takers did not present a consistent set of demands to the negotiators.One demand that remained constant was for bulletproof vests. During early negotiations, one of the requested vests was exchanged for what was to be the release of nine hostages, although only three were released initially; the police officer who took the first vest to them stripped to his underwear to prove he was unarmed. Loi Nguyen sent a woman to retrieve the vest and threatened to shoot her children if she did not return; after she retrieved the vest, they were the first three hostages to be released. In addition to the hostage exchange, another benefit was that it allowed police to gain information on the current situation in the store. One of the released hostages revealed that the shots heard earlier had been the hostage-takers shooting at the store's security cameras and that none of the hostages had been harmed up to this point. Soon thereafter, more shots were heard, but this was the hostage-takers testing the vest. Approximately an hour later, another woman and her three children were released; an eighth hostage was released at 8:20 p.m., bearing a message that they would start to shoot the other hostages shortly.At one point during the negotiations, the leader of the hostage-takers, who called himself \"Thai\" (later shown to be Loi Nguyen), agreed to surrender to the police but only if they were allowed to retain their bulletproof vests and weapons while in prison. The police negotiator informed Loi Nguyen that he would have a short sentence and his vest and guns would be returned upon his release. He set down the phone and began to discuss the situation with his partners. At that point, many of the officers involved felt the exchanges might lead to a negotiated settlement; when he returned to the phone, Loi Nguyen stated that while he accepted those terms, his partners did not. Suddenly, the phone went dead, and the CINT immediately tried to re-establish contact with the store. On the first attempt, the phone was busy, and on the second attempt, a suspect calling himself \"Number One\" (later shown to be Long Nguyen) answered the phone, informing everyone that he was now in control. From that point on, the situation began to rapidly deteriorate. Shots were once again fired at the store's security cameras.\n\nEntry\nAt approximately 9 p.m., Long Nguyen shot a twenty-year-old male hostage named Sean McIntyre in the leg and then released McIntyre as the ninth and final hostage to be released with the instruction to deliver their message and plight to the local media. They claimed they were trying to draw attention to the troubles of their home country and that they were on a suicide mission. At that point, the police attempted to distract the gunmen by putting the hostage on the news, which would also move them to the television area of the store, but this tactic did not work. The police team was finally given the \"green light\" to enter the store. Sniper Jeffrey Boyes would issue the signal to execute the assault. Boyes had received permission to fire on any subject on whom he could obtain a clear line of sight.\nAfter McIntyre was shot and released, another hostage was shot just before 10 p.m.; the gunmen had told the hostages to select the next victim from among themselves, causing an elderly hostage, Harold Brooks, to faint. According to Sheriff Craig, the gunmen joked \"he just decided he was going to be our next person shot.\" Long Nguyen attempted to shoot Brooks, but his gun misfired, and Loi Nguyen shot Brooks in the leg. The surviving hostages stated the gunmen divided them into two groups and had begun flipping a coin to decide their fates. Guns were placed to the hostages' heads. Several hostages were placed on the phone, and they informed the police the gunmen were going to begin executing hostages.\n\nA second bulletproof vest was delivered to the front door shortly after Brooks was shot, which was to be exchanged for nine more hostages, but no one was released. Another hostage, Priscilla Alvarez, was sent out to recover the second vest with her wrists tied behind her and harnessed with more speaker cord. As the door was opened and Alvarez was halfway down the path to retrieve the vest, Boyes took a shot at one of the gunmen, but the sniper's bullet was deflected by the glass door as it swung shut, and it hit the target's ear.Immediately, the hostage-takers ran back and forth, and Long Nguyen started to shoot the seated hostages who were tied down in a row behind the glass door, in full view of the news cameras broadcasting the event live. At the same time, Boyes radioed \"Go\", and the SED entry team immediately hit the door at 9:51 p.m. A stun grenade was tossed into the store from outside, and Curt Warburton, one of the Good Guys employees, managed to scramble to safety through the now shattered glass door. \"Number One\" (Long Nguyen), now stunned and disoriented, managed to stagger out of Boyes's sights and take cover behind a large pillar. He then immediately began firing his weapon at more bound hostages.\nIt took the seven-person entry team two to three seconds to get through the back doors from where they had been hiding (a storage space in the rear of the store) because of the \"barricades\" erected earlier. They then had to contend with the 100-foot (30 m) distance to the front of the store. The team was armed with a variety of weapons for the entry. Sergeants Don Devlin, Charles Price, and Gordon Smith were armed with SiGARMS Sig P220 pistols, Sergeant Bill Kelly carried a laser-sighted HK MP5, investigators Mike Hammel and Greg Peterson carried H&K MP5SD3 submachine guns, and investigator Roger Stanfill was still armed with his AR-15.\nHammel and Price cleared the west side of the store, Peterson and Kelly the east side, and Devlin and Smith went straight up the middle. Stanfill took up a rearguard position. As the team began its movement toward the front of the store, the remaining hostage-takers immediately began to fire on the entry team and hostages. Peterson stepped on the wire that had been used to tether the female hostage sent out to recover the second vest. At that moment, she was snatched to safety by officers outside the store, causing Peterson's feet to fly out from under him, forcing him to fall backward, just as a shotgun blast immediately blew through the area where he was standing. His fellow team members mistakenly believed he had been struck in the face by the blast. As Peterson began to rise to his feet, Devlin and Kelly tried to flank the shotgun-wielding suspect, who fired on them once again, before being taken under fire by the team.\n\nSuspects shot\nSimultaneously, on the west side of the store, the team shot one of the suspects (Cuong Tran) before he could react. Then they spotted a second armed suspect (Pham Nguyen) and fired on him, but he disappeared into the chaos of the screaming and panicking crowd of hostages. Then, \"Number One\" (Long Nguyen) was shot.\nAt this point, the team could only account for three of the suspects and immediately began a systematic search for the fourth. Price and Hammel discovered an unarmed Asian male (Loi Nguyen) lying on the floor, wearing the sole bulletproof vest that had been provided earlier. Once he was rolled over, they discovered he had a .223 caliber entrance wound, accounting for all four suspects.\nIt took only 30 seconds from the initial police entry until the gunfire ceased, bringing an end to the hostage crisis.\n\nAftermath\nCasualties\nDuring the assault, the suspects wounded eleven hostages and killed three. Of the eleven wounded, ten were shot, and one suffered a miscarriage. Others shot at were Bret Soren, Chris Lauretzen, Curt Warburton, and many others who suffered both physical and extreme emotional consequences including brutal bodily injuries, trauma, and severe ongoing symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Of the four suspects, three were killed by the entry team and one, \"Thai\" (Loi), was wounded. None of the SED entry team was wounded. The hostages killed were store employees Kris Edward Sohne and John Lee Fritz and customer Fernando Gutierrez.Gutierrez's two nieces were also hostages. One of the nieces, Lisa Joseph, later wrote the book Heads or Tails: A True Hostage Story of Terror, Torture and Ultimate Survival about her ordeal. Two employees hid in a computer closet during the hostage crisis.The Good Guys! announced they would set up trust funds for the two slain employees and would pay for the funerals of all three murder victims.\n\nTrial and prosecution\nLoi Nguyen was arraigned from his hospital bed shortly after the crisis ended and charged with 54 felonies, including murder. Nguyen's attorney, Sacramento public defender Linda Parisi, argued that Loi Nguyen was trying to make peace, based on witness testimony and recorded audio, and did not deserve the death penalty; she pointed to Long Nguyen as the leader. However, Rebecca Moore, a sheriff's detective, pointed out that Loi Nguyen had purchased the guns, driven the group to the store, and handled most of the negotiations: \"In my opinion he is the most responsible party for this thing going down.\" Because of pre-trial publicity, the trial was moved to San Francisco. He was convicted on February 8, 1995, on 51 felony counts: three for murder, eight for attempted murder, two for assault with a firearm, and 38 for kidnapping, after two days of jury deliberation. On March 28, the jury recommended a life sentence in prison rather than the death penalty, after four more hours of deliberation.At the sentencing hearing in Sacramento, Judge W.J. Harpham said, \"It's hard to find the adjectives for the terror the defendant put these hostages through.\" He sentenced Loi Khac Nguyen to 49 life terms in prison, 41 to be served consecutively without the chance of parole. Information that surfaced at Nguyen's trial revealed the men's motivation for committing the crime was that they were frustrated by their inability to learn English and find jobs. Nguyen initially served his sentence at the California State Prison, Lancaster. he was later transferred to California State Prison, Centinela, and has since been transferred to California State Prison, Solano where he is currently serving his term. His CDCR number is J69791.The former Good Guys! building later became a Dollar Tree store, which was modified to move the main entry doors from the front (south facade) to the side of the building (east facade). This Dollar Tree still stands and remains in business.\n\nIn popular culture\nIn 2000, a play titled The Good Guys: An American Tragedy was created by Michael Edo Keane and Miko Lee and presented by Theater of Yugen, a theatre group that presents work relating to the Pan Asian Diaspora, at the Theater Artaud in San Francisco, California.\nThe hostage crisis was examined in detail in the first season of the documentary series Shootout!, aired on the History Channel, for the first time in September 2005.\nFootage of the event was featured in World's Scariest Police Shootouts in 1997.\nIn March 2015, the crisis was the focus of an episode of ABC's In an Instant.\nIn 2019 a movie called A Clear Shot, based on the incident, was released. It starred Hao Do as Loi, Kevin Bach as Pham, Tony Dew as Long, and Dang Tran as Cuong.\n\nSee also\nList of homicides in California\n1996 Honolulu hostage crisis\nPassage 4:\nChris Reason\nChris Reason (born 1 October 1965) is a senior reporter and presenter for Seven News in Sydney, Australia. He was awarded the Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award for his coverage of the Lindt Cafe siege in December 2014.\n\nCareer\nReason's career began in 1990, when during his first year at Seven News he unwittingly covered a segment now infamously known as the Democracy Manifest video, which became an Internet viral video years later. In 2019, The Guardian called it \"perhaps the pre-eminent Australian meme of the past 10 years\".In 2002, he was announced as co-host of the re-launched national breakfast program Sunrise alongside Melissa Doyle. But in September, Reason was diagnosed with cancer and forced to retire from the program while he underwent six months of chemotherapy, surgery and recovery care. He was replaced by David Koch. The cancer was an abdominal metastasis of the testicular cancer he had fought four years earlier. Reason had missed a critical health check-up in 2001 while covering the September 11 terror attacks in the United States, and he says it almost cost him his life. In multiple interviews since, he has warned young men to never miss a health check-up.In 2003, after his recovery, Reason had multiple roles—first as presenter of Seven Morning News, and then presenter of Sunday Sunrise in 2004. In 2005, he was named co-host of Weekend Sunrise alongside Lisa Wilkinson, but he was later replaced by Deal or No Deal host Andrew O'Keefe. Reason returned to full-time reporting as Senior Network Correspondent.In 2015, he won the Graham Perkin Award for his coverage of the Lindt Cafe siege. He has won a Walkley Award and two Logie Awards for News Reporting.\nReason is a back-up presenter for most of the Seven News programs, including Seven Morning News, Seven Afternoon News and Seven News Sydney. He also intermittently fills in for either David Koch or Matt Doran on Sunrise and Weekend Sunrise respectively, and appears on the former show during the week as one of the News Feed panelists.\n\nPersonal life\nHis father died from brain cancer in 2006. He attended Villanova College in the Brisbane suburb of Coorparoo and the University of Queensland (BA). Reason married journalist Kathryn Robinson in 2005. They became parents to twins in 2007.\nPassage 5:\nLes Carlyon\nLeslie Allen Carlyon  (10 June 1942 – 4 March 2019) was an Australian writer and newspaper editor.\n\nEarly life\nCarlyon began his career in journalism with The Herald and Weekly Times as a cadet on the Sun News-Pictorial (now the Herald Sun) in 1960. In 1963, he moved to The Age working successively as leader writer, finance editor, news editor, assistant editor and, in 1975 aged 33, editor, following the sudden death of the previous editor, Graham Perkin. Carlyon had to resign for health reasons in 1976 after just one year in the position.From 1977 to 1982, he was a visiting lecturer in journalism at RMIT University, Melbourne. During this time, he continued writing for newspapers across Australia with a particular focus on horse racing.In 1984, Carlyon returned to an executive role in journalism with his first employer, the Herald and Weekly Times, where he was promoted to editor-in-chief.  After resigning in 1986, Carlyon again continued as a freelance writer and columnist during the 1990s, contributing to such publications as the Sydney Morning Herald, Western Australia's The Sunday Times and The Bulletin.Carlyon twice won the Walkley Award for journalism (1971 and 2004). In 1993, he won the Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award.\n\nBooks\nIn addition to his career as a journalist, Carlyon was also an accomplished author writing mainly on sport and Australian military history. His books include:\n\nCarlyon, Les (1996). True Grit: Tales from a Decade on the Turf. Mandarin. ISBN 9781863306065.\nCarlyon, Les (1998). Heroes in our eyes. Information Australia. ISBN 9781863502467.\nCarlyon, Les (2001). Gallipoli. Macmillan Australia. ISBN 9781743534229.\nCarlyon, Les (2006). The Great War. Picador Australia. ISBN 9780330424967.\nCarlyon, Les (2011). The Master: A personal portrait of Bart Cummings. Macmillan Australia. ISBN 9781742628837.\nCarlyon, Les (2021). Les Carlyon: A Life in Words. Allen and Unwin Australia. ISBN 9781760879723.Gallipoli, a popular history of the Allied Gallipoli campaign in the Dardanelles during the First World War (which remains a key event in the Australian and New Zealand national consciousnesses), was published in 2001, and met with critical and commercial success in Australia, New Zealand and England. The book was the basis for the Australian 2015 TV miniseries Gallipoli, released in the year of the 100th anniversary of the campaign.The Great War is the story of Australian forces on the Western Front in France and Belgium also during World War I.Les Carlyon: A Life in Words, published posthumously, is a collection of Carlyon's articles from across his career, selected by his family and with a foreword by his son, Patrick Carlyon.\n\nAwards\nIn the 2014 Queen's Birthday Honours List, Carlyon was invested as a Companion of the Order of Australia (AC), for \"eminent service to literature through the promotion of the national identity as an author, editor and journalist, to the understanding and appreciation of Australia's war history, and to the horseracing industry\".He was admitted to the Australian Media Hall of Fame.He served as a Member of the Council of the Australian War Memorial from May 2006 until his death (he was replaced by Tony Abbott). In April 2020, the Australian War Memorial announced the inaugural Les Carlyon Literary Prize in his memory.\n\nAwards\nWalkley Award for magazine feature writing 1971\nGraham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award 1993\nWalkley Award for journalism leadership 2004\nMelbourne Press Club Quill Award for Lifetime Achievement 2004\nPrime Minister's Prize for History 2007 (for The Great War)\nCompanion of the Order of Australia (AC) 2014\n\nDeath\nCarlyon's death, aged 76, on 4 March 2019 was widely reported.\nPassage 6:\n2014 Sydney hostage crisis\nThe Lindt Café siege was a terrorist attack that occurred on 15–16 December 2014 when a lone gunman, Man Haron Monis, held hostage ten customers and eight employees of a Lindt Chocolate Café in the APA Building in Martin Place, Sydney, Australia.\nThe Sydney siege led to a 16-hour standoff, after which a gunshot was heard from inside and police officers from the Tactical Operations Unit (TOU) stormed the café. Hostage Tori Johnson was killed by Monis and hostage Katrina Dawson was killed by a police bullet ricochet in the subsequent raid. Monis was also killed. Three other hostages and a police officer were injured by police gunfire during the raid.Police have been criticised over their handling of the siege for not taking proactive action earlier, for the deaths of hostages at the end of the siege, and for the lack of negotiation during the siege. Hostage Marcia Mikhael called radio station 2GB during the siege and said, \"They have not negotiated, they've done nothing. They have left us here to die.\"Early on, hostages were seen holding a Jihadist flag against the window of the café, featuring the shahādah creed. Initially, many media organisations mistook it for the flag used by the Islamic State (IS); Monis later demanded that an IS flag be brought to him. Monis also unsuccessfully demanded to speak to the Prime Minister of Australia, Tony Abbott, live on radio. Monis was described by Abbott as having indicated a \"political motivation,\" but the eventual assessment was that the gunman was \"a very unusual case—a rare mix of extremism, mental health problems and plain criminality.\"In the aftermath of the siege, Muslim groups issued a joint statement in which they condemned the incident, and memorial services were held in the city at the nearby St Mary's Cathedral and St James' Church. Condolence books were set up in other Lindt cafés and the community turned Martin Place into a \"field of flowers.\" The Martin Place Lindt café was severely damaged during the police raid, closed afterwards, then renovated for reopening in March 2015.In October 2022, the TOU officer who shot and killed Monis during the police storming of the Lindt Café published a memoir entitled 'Tiger! Tiger! Tiger! Tiger! The Lindt Café Siege: The incredible inside story of two days that traumatised a nation: And one man's journey of resilience and hope.'\n\nEvents\nPrior to event\nAn anonymous call was made to Australia's anti-terrorism hotline 48 hours before the siege, raising concerns about the content of Monis's website. On his website, Monis had pledged allegiance to \"the caliph of the Muslims\", believed to be referring to Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and denounced moderate Islam. It has been reported that the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation followed up on the call by reviewing the website and Monis's posts on social media but found nothing to indicate that he was likely to commit an act of violence.\n\nHostage-taking and negotiations\nMonis entered the Lindt Chocolate Café at 53 Martin Place, Sydney, at 8:33 am Sydney local time (AEDT) on 15 December 2014 (UTC+11). The café is located directly across from the Seven News television studios, and near the Reserve Bank of Australia, the headquarters of the Commonwealth Bank, Westpac bank, and Martin Place underground train station.\nThe situation began at 9:44 am, when Monis forced Tori Johnson, the manager of the café, to phone 000.Monis was bearded, wearing a black cap and wearing a black headband with the inscription, in Arabic: \"We are ready to sacrifice for you, O Mohammad.\" He was carrying a blue sports bag, and armed with a sawed-off pump-action shotgun.\nThe shotgun was old but could fire four shots in five seconds.Monis used hostages as human shields. He had disabled the automatic sliding glass doors of the café.Monis claimed there were four \"devices\" located around Sydney. However, New South Wales Police Commissioner Andrew Scipione said that none of the alleged devices were found during investigations. Monis also demanded that a hostage ask all media to broadcast that \"this is an attack on Australia by the Islamic State\". In addition, he demanded that an Islamic State flag be delivered to him, although the request was never fulfilled.Hostages were ordered to hold up a Black Standard flag, with the shahādah in white Arabic letters (an Islamic creed declaring: \"There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is the messenger of God\"), against the window of the café. Some news reports initially mistook it for the flag used by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).Monis demanded to speak to the Australian Prime Minister live on radio, but this demand was rejected. This was relayed by hostage Marcia Mikhael, who said that she \"lost it\" when told that the Prime Minister was too busy, saying, \"I don't care what [Abbott] is doing right now...I'm sure there's nothing more important happening in Australia...than the lives of the people in this café...\"Mamdouh Habib said he knew Monis well and offered to help police negotiate with him. He believed that Monis was \"sick and disturbed\" over his failure to gain access to his children, and said Monis could trust him to get his message out. Lawyer Manny Conditsis had represented Monis and had also offered help because he said that Monis respected what he had to say to him. Barrister Michael Klooster who had met Monis in the cafe before the siege called the police at 2:17 pm. Other Muslim leaders also offered to help, including the Grand Mufti of Australia, Ibrahim Abu Mohamed.\nAll such offers were rejected by police because they had no control over what the untrained negotiators might say or do. However, Mikhael said that after the request to speak to the Prime Minister was refused: \"It was then that I knew that there was not going to be any negotiation and we were just left there. ...They were waiting for him to kill someone or shoot something so they [could] come in. ...There was nothing proactive about that operation, nothing.\"Belinda Neil, who was a negotiator for the NSW police, said that in negotiations, \"[W]e want to try and talk to the hostage-taker. ...[W]e want to find out why he's there, why is he doing this, and we don't just go into this situation hoping to resolve it in half an hour.\" This approach would be consistent with the Behavioral Change Stairway Model. However, Mikhael stated that no such negotiation took place. Habib said that he called both the police and the Attorney General twice during the raid, but they did not return his calls. Police Commissioner Andrew Scipione confirmed during the siege that \"we're not dealing directly with him ... we do not have direct contact with the offender.\"Several hostages made contact with media outlets and relayed Monis's demands to them. At the request of the New South Wales Police Force, they were not published during the siege. The social media profiles of the hostages were also used to relay demands.At 1:43 am Tori Johnson texted his family \"He's [Monis] increasingly agitated, walks around when he hears a noise outside with a hostage in front of him. Wants to release one person in good faith, tell police.\" This was conveyed to the police 10 minutes later.During the early stages of the siege, the Australian government and NSW authorities did not label the event as a terrorist attack; however, as the siege continued, NSW police authorised the engagement of the state's counter-terrorism task force, treating the incident as an act of terrorism.\n\nEscape of first five hostages\nAt around 3:37 pm, two hostages, John O'Brien and barrister Stefan Balafoutis, escaped from the front entrance of the building, followed by a third hostage, café employee Paolo Vassallo, who ran out from a fire exit at the side of the building. At around 4:58 pm, two female hostages, both employees, Jieun Bae and Elly Chen, escaped by running from another entrance of the building and were met by Tactical Operations Unit officers.Monis was unaware that Jieun Bae and Elly Chen had escaped. Jarrod Morton-Hoffman made noise to cover their exit and persuaded Monis that media reports of five hostages escaping were wrong. After the escape, Monis threatened to kill hostages.Police planted a covert listening device in the café during the night. At one point, the device picked up Monis saying that he wanted to kill any escaping hostages.\n\nRaid and end of the siege\nAt 2:03 am on 16 December, a \"very loud bang\" was heard as Monis shot towards six hostages fleeing from the building. At 2:11 am Monis fired a shot towards the kitchen, and was heard on the police listening device reloading his shotgun. The hostage Fiona Ma then escaped through the front door, and two police Tactical Operations Unit teams were ordered to move very slowly towards the two entrances.At 2:14 am, four minutes after the Tactical operations teams were ordered in, Monis shot Tori Johnson in the back of the head, killing him. The shooting was witnessed by a police sniper, who reported a hostage down. Police armed with M4A1 carbines threw eleven stun grenades as they stormed the café.\nMonis was shot in the head. An officer reported that \"I watched the (gun's) laser ... from the centre of his chest go to his head and his head exploded and he fell\". One officer then fired a total of 17 rounds, and another officer fired 5 additional rounds. Some fragments of those rounds killed hostage Katrina Dawson.Police declared the siege over soon after, later confirming that Monis was killed in the raid. Two hostages had died, and another three were injured by police bullets. One police officer, whose face was grazed by a police bullet, was discharged from hospital later in the day.At the inquest, Counsel assisting the coroner, Jeremy Gormley SC, said, \"No shot fired by Mr Monis, other than the one that struck and killed Mr Johnson, struck anyone.\" Mitchell McAlister, who was a tactical assaulter with 2nd Commando Tactical Assault Group questioned the police use of M4A1 carbines with 5.56mm NATO rounds that could have \"dangerous effects in a dense and enclosed environment.\" It was also unclear why 22 shots were fired by police, of which 13 hit Monis.\n\nFlag raids\nAt around 2:00 pm on 15 December, police contacted Rebecca Kay, a member of the Muslim community, and asked her to help source an ISIS flag for Monis. Kay contacted many people in the Muslim community but ultimately the police sourced their own flag. However, the flag was never given to Monis.The following day, NSW and federal police raided three homes of people who had been contacted in the attempt to source the flag. Kay assumes that her conversations had been monitored. Kay said she would help police in another crisis, but \"with this incident they have not built trust at all. You don't understand...the fear that [the AFP and ASIO] create, and how they stalk...members of our community...\" Lawyer Zali Burrows questioned the purpose of the police contacting Kay in the first place, stating, \"Why didn't they just print [a flag]?\"\n\nPolice strategy\nThe police followed a \"contain and negotiate\" strategy which was to avoid any direct action unless a hostage was killed or injured. They decided that this strategy could deliver a \"peaceful negotiated outcome\" because Monis had not harmed any hostages, despite having threatened to do so. Monis had also not reacted violently to the escape of five hostages on two separate occasions, or due to none of his demands being met. Further, Monis claimed to have a bomb, and \"if the bomb was triggered, all of those inside the cafe and those attempting a rescue were not likely to survive\". At 8:20 pm and again at 11:35 pm, the head of the tactical operations unit attempted to persuade the other commanders to take a \"deliberate action\" plan and storm the cafe but this was overruled by other commanders and Assistant Commissioner Mark Jenkins due to the danger to the hostages and police.\nPolice snipers could not be used due to \"the narrow windows, the moving around of Monis, the risk to hostages if there was a missed shot, (and) the position of the snipers behind glass\".At 11 am, Operational Commander Mick Fuller approved negotiations for the release of half of the 18 hostages in return for Monis being allowed to talk on ABC radio. However, the negotiation commander decided not to do so because it conflicted with a standing policy to not negotiate with terrorists.The first negotiator was not told that the Grand Mufti of Australia and a barrister who represented Monis had offered to help negotiate with Monis. He only found out about Monis's demand for the ABC to broadcast that Australia was under attack after a Facebook post from one of the hostages was read out on radio 2GB. Monis had also demanded that the Christmas lights be turned off. The first negotiator thought that doing this would have provided an opportunity to bargain with Monis, but did not hear back from commanders as to whether it was possible so \"discarded\" the option.He was then relieved by a second negotiator, but did not tell him about the demand that the Christmas lights be turned off. Hostage Selina Win Pe told the second negotiator Monis wanted to know why it hadn't happened. It was later revealed an Ausgrid team had assembled to switch off the lights, but was sent home.A third negotiator later said that he did not have the Christmas lights turned off because he had some reason to know that Monis would not carry through his threat to kill Win Pe. He said there was some \"step-by-step\" process to have the hostages released (after nineteen hours). Jenkins says he would have liked the Christmas lights turned off quickly, and was unaware that this had been found to be possible. Jenkins was also not told about the Johnson text near the end of the siege that Monis wanted to release a hostage.The negotiation team leader did not think Monis would hurt anyone because Monis had told people inside the cafe that everyone would go home once Prime Minister Tony Abbott called. The team leader later conceded that Abbott was never going to call. Forensic advice given to the police by an unnamed consultant psychiatrist was that Monis was probably undertaking a grandiose act to be recognised as a figure of great infamy rather than wishing to hurt anyone. He doubted that Monis actually represented ISIS because he did not have the correct flag, nor that his actions were politically motivated. The psychiatrist warned that \"a wounded narcissist is a dangerous specimen\" as none of Monis's demands were met.\n\nTimeline of events\nHostages\nAuthorities did not release an estimate of the number of hostages inside the café during the siege. After the siege, a total of 18 hostages was confirmed—eight staff and ten customers of the café including lawyers and Westpac employees with offices close by. Initial estimates varied, with some significantly overestimating the number.Tori Johnson, the 34-year-old manager of the café, died after being shot in the head by Monis.\nKatrina Dawson, a 38-year-old barrister, was killed when she was hit by seven police bullet fragments while lying behind a chair, which was hit by 10 bullets.Three hostages and a police officer were wounded by police gunfire during the raid. The three hostages were Marcia Mikhael, who was shot in the leg; Robyn Hope, a 75-year-old woman who was shot in the shoulder; and Louisa Hope, her 52-year-old daughter, who was shot in the foot.\nAll three were in a stable condition after treatment. Paolo Vassallo, one of the five hostages who initially escaped the scene, was hospitalised for a pre-existing condition.\nThe other hostages were identified as John O'Brien, Stefan Balafoutis, Elly Chen, Jieun Bae, Harriette Denny, Viswakanth Ankireddy, Joel Herat, Fiona Ma, Jarrod Hoffman, Puspendu Ghosh, Selina Win Pe, and Julie Taylor.Memorial services for Johnson and Dawson were held on 23 December: Johnson's in the morning at St Stephen's Uniting Church, Sydney, and Dawson's in the afternoon in the Great Hall of the University of Sydney. Interviews with some of the hostages were later recorded for television and broadcast, amid some controversy.\n\nEvacuations and closures\nAfter the siege began, a staged exclusion zone was established with thousands of people evacuated from nearby buildings, including from the floors above the café. The Sydney Opera House was evacuated after a suspicious package was found; however, reports were unconfirmed by police. The US Consulate General in Sydney, located in Martin Place, was also evacuated. Some Sydney schools were put in \"white level lockout\" due to the hostage situation, which meant that no school group was permitted to leave the school grounds.Police advised people in the area bounded by Hunter, George, Elizabeth, and Macquarie streets, bordering Martin Place, to remain indoors and away from windows. Commonwealth Bank, Westpac, and ANZ closed their CBD branches for the day. The State Library was also closed. Numerous other buildings, including David Jones stores, executive offices for the New South Wales Parliament, criminal courts for the Supreme Court, the Downing Centre, and \"several city legal chambers\" were evacuated, as were the facilities of the Seven Network, situated directly across from the café, forcing The Morning Show to suspend transmission. Police established an emergency centre in nearby Hyde Park in response to the unfolding situation with emergency services sent to the area to respond to any immediate threats and evacuees were relocated to the park as a safety precaution.Trains did not stop at Martin Place railway station during the incident. Transport for NSW advised people to stay away from the CBD. Road closures prevented southbound access to the Cahill Expressway, York Street, and Harbour Street, and northbound access to the Cahill Expressway, and all traffic was diverted to the Sydney Harbour Tunnel. On the morning of 16 December, road diversions remained in place and Martin Place train station remained closed. In the evening of 16 December, Elizabeth Street, Macquarie Street and Hunter Street were opened to traffic.Uber fares for travel in Sydney surged during the event under the company's dynamic pricing system, which led to criticism. Uber subsequently refunded excessive fares and provided free rides out of the CBD.\n\nGunman\nIranian-born Monis was identified as the hostage-taker and named early on the morning of 16 December.In September 2009, Monis was convicted for criminal use of the postal service to \"menace, harass or cause offence\", for a campaign protesting the presence of Australian troops in Afghanistan, by writing letters to the families of soldiers killed there, in which he called the soldiers murderers. On 12 December, three days before the siege, Monis lost his appeal against his conviction and was sentenced to 300 hours of community service. Monis had been charged with accessory to murder relating to the death of his former wife who was found stabbed eighteen times, and set alight, on 21 April 2013 at a unit block in Werrington. However, on 12 December 2013, Magistrate William Pierce said \"It is a weak case\" and granted Monis bail. In November 2016, Amirah Droudis was found guilty, in a judge-only trial, of the murder of Monis's ex-wife and sentenced to 44 years' jail.Monis also had numerous charges of sexual assault, aggravated indecent assault, and common assault. On 14 April 2014, Monis was charged with three sexual assault offences against a woman and remanded in custody. He was granted bail on 26 May, six days after the Bail Act in New South Wales was rewritten based on recommendations by the New South Wales Law Reform Commission. On 10 October, he was charged with another 40 sexual assault offences against six more women, and his bail was continued.Jeremy Gormly SC, counsel assisting the inquest, summarised Monis as \"a complex, disturbed individual desperate for recognition and status but completely lacking the skills or achievements to bring that dream to life\". Gormly summarised that \"Monis could be plausible, courteous and controlled, but he was also almost entirely consumed in his own self-importance. ... By 2014, he owned no property, was in debt, and had developed no employment skills. His attempts to develop a personal, religious following ... had failed. ... He was facing future serious criminal charges... he had made no public impact of note on the Australian political scene\". Monis may have felt that he had \"little left to live for\".No weapons were found when police raided his home in 2013. From 1997 to 2000, Monis held a security guard licence, which would have let him carry a pistol between March and June 1997. The weapon that Monis used, a sawn-off French-made Manufrance La Salle pump-action shotgun, was more than 50 years old. Police believe the weapon was imported in the 1950s, when no registration was required. Monis had 23 shotgun cartridges of different brands on him, between 15 and 20 years old.\n\nReactions\nLeaders\nThe Prime Minister convened the National Security Committee of Cabinet to give briefings on the situation and said \"Australians should be reassured that our law enforcement and security agencies are well trained and equipped and are responding in a thorough and professional manner.\" He later said, \"The whole point of politically motivated violence is to scare people out of being themselves. Australia is a peaceful, open, and generous society. Nothing should ever change that and that's why I would urge all Australians today to go about their business as usual\", and \"Australians should be reassured by the way our law enforcement and security agencies responded to this brush with terrorism.\"The Premier of New South Wales, Mike Baird, addressed the media during the stand-off, and stated \"we are being tested today... in Sydney. The police are being tested, the public is being tested, but whatever the test we will face it head on and we will remain a strong democratic, civil society. I have full confidence in the Police Commissioner and the incredible work of the NSW police force.The Lord Mayor of Sydney, Clover Moore, on the morning of 16 December, urged Australians to see this as a \"one-off event\", stating, \"We're an inclusive multicultural community and we need to deal with this together\". Governor-General of Australia, Sir Peter Cosgrove, released a statement sympathising with the families, commending the work of the police involved, and urging Australians to \"unite in our resolve to protect what we value most—our way of life, our care and respect for each other\".\n\nCommunity\nThousands of people visited the site in the first few days after the incident to pay tribute to the victims. Among them were members of the families of Dawson and Johnson. Johnson's father was accompanied by rabbis Levi Wolff and Zalmen Kastel, Hindu priest Pandit Ramachandra, the Reverend Bill Crews and Sheikh Wesam Charkawi. Dawson's young daughter left her own note.\nFlags on all NSW government buildings, including the Sydney Harbour Bridge, flew at half-mast to honour the hostages who lost their lives at the café.A magistrate who had granted Monis bail and the lawyers who had represented him in his court appearances received death threats in the days after the attack. This reaction was described by the Bar Association as \"understandable but wrong-headed\", as magistrates have to deal with cases as they come before them on the basis of the law at the time.\n\n#illridewithyou campaign\nDuring and immediately following the incident, some in the community expressed concern about an increased potential for violence or intimidation directed at Muslims in Australia. For example, the head of the Australian Muslim Women's Association told the media there was an increase in anti-Muslim messages being posted on social media. Due to this concern among some local social media users, many started using the hashtag #illridewithyou [I'll ride with you]. This sought to offer solidarity and emotional support to Muslims travelling alone on public transport by people tweeting their bus/train route and suggesting that they would be willing to \"ride with\" anyone who might feel threatened. More than 150,000 people indicated their support of the concept by using the hashtag. The campaign was initially inspired by a Facebook status update about offering to walk with a woman who had removed her head covering. The campaign received international attention, including from United States President Barack Obama, although federal National Party member of Parliament George Christensen criticised the campaign for creating \"false victims\" out of Muslims and thereby taking attention away from the hostages.\n\n\"Field of flowers\"\nOn the morning of 16 December, after police declared the crisis to be over, a makeshift memorial began to take shape in Martin Place. From the first bunch of lilies, tributes developed into a field of flowers that \"you can smell before you can see\" and which was extensively reported and photographed. The Prime Minister and NSW Premier were among many in the community to lay flowers at the memorial in a demarcated space. Flowers were also taken to suburban Lindt shops.\nVolunteers from the Rural Fire Service, the State Emergency Service and the Red Cross began clearing the flowers on 22 December after consultation with the families, because rain was expected. It was announced that the condolence books would be bound in several volumes and one complete copy provided to each family. The messages on the many cards were to be digitised. During the week after the siege, it was estimated that 110,000 bouquets were laid at Martin Place.\n\nReligious organisations\nDuring the siege, Sanier Dandan, president of the Lebanese Muslim Association, informed ABC News that Australian Muslim leaders were meeting online for discussions as to how the Muslim community could help with the situation. He added, \"Regardless, we have a hostage situation. Whether he is someone who belongs to the Australian Muslim community or not, we are still waiting for information to be provided by police and based on that if there's something the Muslim community can do or assist, we are there.\"\nIbrahim Abu Mohamed, the Grand Mufti of Australia, condemned the incident in a statement released on 15 December. The same afternoon, around fifty Muslim groups issued a joint statement in which they condemned the incident. The Australian Ahmadiyya Muslim Association condemned the incident, the national president saying that \"such actions are criminal and totally contrary to the teachings of Islam.\" Egypt's Grand Mufti Shawqi Allam also condemned the attack.\nIn Martin Place, the 2014 traditional Hanukkah menorah presented a message of support: \"May the lights of the festival of Hanukkah bring comfort and warmth to our nation\".The Catholic Archbishop of Sydney, Anthony Fisher, invoked the special prayers in the Roman Missal from the \"Mass in times of civil disturbance\" and a memorial service was held at St Mary's Cathedral, on the morning of 19 December.St James' Church, which had been within the exclusion zone, held a \"Service of Remembrance and Reflection\" on the afternoon of 19 December. The service was attended by about 400 people, most of them members of the legal profession.\n\nInternational\nDuring the siege, a spokesman for the Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs, John Baird, said, \"We urge all Canadians in Sydney to use extra precaution and limit their movements as authorities handle this situation.\"Iran Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, Marzieh Afkham, strongly condemned the taking of hostages as \"inhuman\" and also stated that the Australian authorities had been repeatedly warned about Monis.United States President Barack Obama called the Prime Minister to express his condolences on behalf of the United States. According to the White House, Obama praised the \"Australian public's embrace of #illridewithyou and the Muslim leaders who have disavowed the actions of the hostage taker\", and \"Australia's rejection of any violence taken in the name of religion and the fear this violence seeks to stoke.\" The President also conveyed the United States' willingness to provide assistance in the aftermath of the situation. United States Secretary of State, John Kerry, said the United States stood ready to provide Australia with any assistance required in \"determining the facts of the case, assisting the victims and holding accountable anyone and everyone responsible for this act of terror\". Citing this event, the United States issued a global travel alert to its citizens, to be alert for possible terrorist attacks within public venues.New Zealand Prime Minister John Key, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, UK Prime Minister David Cameron, and Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak also expressed their concern about the incident. In addition, the Israeli embassy in Australia stated that it stood with Australia in the face of terror.\n\nCharitable foundations\nFollowing the two deaths during the hostage situation, the Katrina Dawson Foundation was established, with the aim of supporting educational opportunities for women. The then Governor-General Quentin Bryce was a founding member. At his parents' request, a memorial fund for Johnson was used to raise money for mental health organisation Beyond Blue. The first donation, of $51,000, came from Lindt Australia.\n\nTerrorist organizations\nTwo weeks after the siege, Dabiq, a magazine published by the ISIL editorialised on Monis's actions and attempted to claim him as one of their own, in a response that an expert described as \"absolutely predictable\". The magazine lauded Monis's actions and their effect on the city. The al Qaeda-produced magazine Inspire also praised Monis's actions.\n\nInvestigations\nA number of organisations announced formal investigations.\nPolice investigations include a \"critical incident\" investigation undertaken by NSW police; headed by Detective Inspector Angelo Memmolo and an enquiry conducted by the Australian Federal Police.Federal and state governments announced a joint review to be led by Michael Thawley from the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet and Blair Comley of the New South Wales Department of Premier and Cabinet.Following the siege, officers from the New South Wales Police Force and the Australian Federal Police went to the Belmore home of Monis's partner Amirah Droudis, and removed property. Her bail was revoked after a hearing on 22 December 2014. Investigations by Australian security agencies and monitoring of suspects following the siege revealed increased \"terror chatter\".\n\nFederal–State joint review\nThe findings of the Federal–State joint review were released on 22 February 2015. The report covered Monis's earlier interactions with the government, his access to firearms, and the government response to Monis including problems correlating his various aliases. The report's terms of reference did not cover the controversial police actions during the siege itself, such as the nature of the negotiations or the final assault.The review found that the judgements made by government agencies were reasonable. It suggested only modest changes to laws and procedures, taking the view that \"introducing substantial further controls involves a larger choice about the sort of society we wish to live in and is properly the province of the public and our elected representatives\". The review found that the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) had conducted a thorough review of Monis in 2008/9 and found that he was not involved in politically motivated violence, nor had significant contact with groups of security concern. After receiving 18 calls from the public, ASIO reviewed Monis's Facebook page, which was considered not to indicate a threat. None of the calls related to any pending attack. The review found that there was no credible information that would indicate an attack. Monis had been granted bail while charged with several violent offences. However, bail laws had since been tightened in this regard. Monis obtained his firearm illegally and was never granted a license.The review suggested, in addition to the reforms to the bail laws and \"new programmes to counter violent extremism\", that a review of immigration policies and visa applications should be undertaken. The review suggested that the gun that Monis used had lawfully entered the country, possibly as early as the 1950s, and had fallen into the \"grey market\" after not being included in the gun buyback schemes of 1996 and 2002.\n\nInquest\nAn inquest, mandatory whenever people die in a police operation, began as scheduled on 29 January 2015, presided over by the State Coroner, Michael Barnes. The stated aim was \"to determine how the [three] deaths occurred, the factors that contributed to them and whether they could have been prevented\".The hearings were divided into blocks of a couple of weeks. The first, which started on 25 May 2015, queried people who knew Monis to get background information. The second started on 17 August 2015 to consider Monis's bail application. Further blocks that investigate how the police dealt with the siege itself will be withheld from the public \"in the interests of the families\".The findings of the inquest were released on 24 May 2017.\n\nAftermath\nDesignation of the event as terrorism\nInsurance declaration\nTreasurer Joe Hockey declared the siege to be a \"terrorist incident\" under the Terrorism Insurance Act 2003. The Act means that insurance exclusions for terrorist incidents do not apply if such a declaration is made.\n\nDebate on status as a terrorist event\nScholars and social commentators have debated whether Monis was a terrorist and whether his actions could be classified as an act of terrorism. There is doubt as to whether or not Monis fit the definition of a lone wolf terrorist.\nQueensland University of Technology criminologist Mark Lauchs said it was important to not describe the siege as a \"terrorist attack\". Lauchs said Monis was simply a deranged person running a hostage situation. \"This incident was not about religion and neither was it a terrorist attack, but given that perception by the paraphernalia Monis used.\" The Australian prime minister said, \"[Man Haron Monis] had a long history of violent crime, infatuation with extremism and mental instability...As the siege unfolded yesterday, he sought to cloak his actions with the symbolism of the ISIL death cult.\"Prof Greg Barton (from Deakin University) and Dr Clarke Jones (ANU) told the inquest that Monis was a loner and had mental health problems, and was desperate to attach himself to something. Clarke suggested that if the Rebels had accepted his membership then the siege might not have happened. Roger Shanahan from the Lowy Institute said that if Monis had followed ISIS direction he would have just killed everyone.The chief of ASIO Duncan Lewis confirmed that he believed Monis to be a terrorist. However, former counter-terrorism adviser to the White House, Richard A. Clarke, said, \"I don't think this was a lone wolf terrorist, I don't think this was a terrorist at all, I think this was someone who was committing suicide by police as a lot of people with mental problems do, and now, if they say they're a terrorist, if they say they're somehow associated with ISIS or Al Qaeda, it becomes a major event that shuts down the city and gets international attention. This was a person with a mental problem who tried to gain attention and succeeded, tried to shut down the city and succeeded, merely by putting up a flag that was something like the flag of ISIS.\"The difference between terrorism and terrorising acts was noted in one analysis as \"enormously important\"—it added that in Monis's case, terrorism \"was clearly an element, but he was coming to the end of his rope with a variety of legal processes; there was clearly some mental instability.\" One view was that his lack of ties to any movement did not preclude his being a terrorist as it is \"an inclusive club\". Another commentator said, \"There can be also no doubt that his attack was a terrorist act, as defined under Australia's Criminal Code Act 1995\" and that, \"he was a terrorist, clearly influenced by IS\".One terrorism expert, Professor Greg Barton, described Monis's actions as those of a \"lone wolf terrorist ... driven by a desire for attention and to be in the spotlight\", and his use of the flag was described as \"the only way\" to instil fear on a global scale. Professor Michael Wesley, Director of the School of International, Political and Strategic Studies at the Australian National University said the attack \"was very different from first-generation or second-generation terrorist attacks—but it was terrorism, and terrorism of a brutal and more unpredictable sort.\" Another view was that describing the gunman as a terrorist was misplaced and would only serve the interests of ISIL. The supervisor of terrorism and security analysis for Stratfor said that this hostage-incident exhibits many of the elements associated with grassroots terrorism. A criminologist said that the event \"was not about religion and neither was it a terrorist attack but given that perception by the paraphernalia Monis used.\"Conversely, Yassir Morsi, a researcher at the Centre for Muslim and non-Muslim Understanding in Australia, suggested that \"before he flew the black flag, Monis was just a desperate man with a violent past\" and that \"he was just another gunman. ... the symbol (flag) rewrote Monis's violent past and gave grammar to his attack.\"Monis had entered the cafe without an ISIS flag. ASIO's previous investigations had found no links between Monis and any terrorist group. When a News reporter met him before the crisis she thought Monis was \"lost and confused\" and \"harmless\". Habib said Monis was \"sick and disturbed\" and desperately seeking attention over his grievances with government officials that had nothing to do with terrorism.In 2016, Monis was cited as one of a number of recent violent attackers who were mentally disturbed and operated under the justification of Islamist ideas or slogans. Other examples include the as-of-yet unidentified perpetrator of the Munich knife attack and Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, the perpetrator of the 2014 shootings at Parliament Hill, Ottawa. According to psychologists and psychiatrists who study radicalisation, jihad propaganda and calls to kill infidels can push mentally-ill individuals to act, even in the absence of direct or personal contact with radical Islamists.In February 2017, United States President Donald Trump cited the Sydney siege as an example of what he claimed was deliberate underreporting of terrorist attacks by the media, notwithstanding that the event received \"blanket coverage\" in local and international news.\n\nThe coroner's finding\nFollowing the Sydney siege inquest, in May 2017, the NSW Coroner Michael Barnes determined that \"The siege was a terrorist incident.\"\n\nPolice weapons and tactics\nDuring the siege, an Australian Army Tactical Assault Group East team at Holsworthy Barracks evaluated the floorplan of the cafe and gave advice to police. Mitchell McAlister, a former member of TAG East, questioned the police use of M4A1 carbines with 5.56 mm rounds over Heckler & Koch MP5 submachine guns.Katrina Dawson died from a fragment of a police bullet, and other hostages appear to have been hit by bullets that ricocheted off the concrete building. It was unclear why 22 shots were fired by police, of which 13 hit Monis. Police have been criticised for both the high powered weapons used and the number of shots fired.\n\nNegotiation\nDuring the siege, no significant effort was made to negotiate with Monis, as would normally be expected in a hostage situation in order to build a relationship with a gunman and persuade them to surrender. Instead, Monis received no encouragement or assistance from trained police negotiators.Help was offered by the Muslim community including the Grand Mufti and Mamdouh Habib who had known Monis personally. Habib offered to help negotiate or provide background information to the police. These offers were not taken up.It has been suggested that the police treatment of the siege as a terrorist attack may have led to errors such as making no attempt to negotiate with the gunman as would have been normal practice in other hostage situations. One commentator, Guy Rundle, questioned whether the police may have used a \"crude rule\" that \"we don't negotiate with terrorists\" that affected their procedures. It might also explain the choice of weapon in a small enclosure against a lone gunman. These factors may have directly led to the deaths of Johnson and Dawson.\n\nISIL flag\nDuring the siege, police asked Muslims in Sydney to source an ISIL flag for Monis, before obtaining their own. The police later raided several houses of people contacted by Ms Kay who was attempting to find an ISIL flag. Ms Kay assumed that the phone calls had been monitored, and that the request had been solely to find out who she would contact, lowering trust among Muslims in the NSW police force.\n\nLack of detection\nThe security forces have been criticised for not recognising that Monis was a threat, and for taking him off their watch list in 2008. This may have been because they overlooked key evidence, or it may have been because there was simply no evidence to collect. The federal/state joint review found that the relevant agencies' analysis had been reasonable.\n\nLaw and politics\nAfter the siege, the revelation that the new Bail Act had allowed Monis to be granted bail sparked calls to further tighten the law; however, a review had already been conducted in the wake of earlier controversial bail releases, with the new law set \"to take effect next year\" (that is, on 28 January 2015). Former director of public prosecutions in New South Wales, Nicholas Cowdery, said he was not sure that the amended law would have changed anything in Monis's case, saying that \"There will always be, unfortunately, some exceptional events which laws and controls put in place before the event could not have prevented\". Homicide detectives sent a letter to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) urging them to challenge the bail decision for Monis, but a commissioned officer did not pass it on to the DPP. Michael Esposito, writing for the Law Society of South Australia, noted that the shocking nature of the Sydney siege had the power to prompt reviews of bail laws across Australia.Some commentators expressed concerns about immigration and citizenship processes. Monis's \"confused agenda\" meant that Amnesty International did not realise that he and Boroujerdim, who had sought help in 1997, were the same man until they went back through their records. In the absence of hard evidence, suggestions that Monis represented a growing trend of systemic failure, rather than being an aberration, were noted as dangerous to public confidence; to the separation of powers; to the idea of innocence till proven guilty and also to social cohesion by inviting suspicion of people from the Middle East.In the week after the siege, it was revealed that John Robertson, NSW Opposition leader, had sent a letter which passed on a request made by Monis, a constituent in his Blacktown electorate, to the Department of Family and Community Services in 2011. The letter was, according to Robertson, routine procedure on behalf of a constituent and written in support of Monis's request for a supervised visit with his children on Father's Day despite an apprehended violence order against him. The Department declined Monis's request. As pressure mounted on Robertson to resign as Leader of the Labor Party, and three months away from the 2015 state election, he stood aside on 23 December 2014.\n\nViolence\nCommentators considered Monis's history of domestic violence, with a family violence expert arguing that it should have been considered when bail was given. A columnist noted that while his behaviour highlighted an \"epidemic\" of violence towards women, the media focus remained on terrorism.Historians of religion and politics also critically reviewed the role of violence committed in the name of religion.\n\nMedia\nDebate followed about the difficulty of managing a police operation in the presence of continuous global media coverage as well as the likely damage caused by the spread of rumour. Particular criticism was levelled at Rupert Murdoch and News Corp for spreading false information as well as for insensitivity and \"gross ethical violations\". Commissioner Scipione and chair of the Australian Press Council, Professor Julian Disney released statements about the media coverage after the event. Beyond misinformation, concerns were raised regarding the presentation of crises as entertainment.Australian Broadcasting Corporation's Four Corners aired a two-part broadcast, interviewing former hostages, and the families of deceased Katrina Dawson and Tori Johnson.\n\nMemorials and legacy\nA month after the siege, police, ambulance workers, firefighters and others were officially thanked at NSW Government House. Memorial plaques were placed inside the reopened Lindt café. A permanent memorial to the victims of the siege will incorporate the flowers from Martin Place, which are to be mulched and incorporated into its garden element. The memorial was opened in December, 2017.The premiere of Jonathon Welch's choral piece Street Requiem in February 2015 was dedicated to the siege victims and to those who died in the Charlie Hebdo shooting in Paris.Composer Lyle Chan, who resides less than a kilometre from the Lindt cafe, wrote two works influenced by the events. Sea of Flowers was premiered by conductor Alondra de la Parra and the Queensland Symphony Orchestra in May 2015. Chan's Love Is Always Born (December), with original words by Michael Leunig and 'Silent Night' in Arabic, was commissioned and premiered by the Song Company at concerts around the first anniversary of the events.Dawson's family created the Katrina Dawson Foundation and scholarships to The Women's College, University of Sydney to provide financial assistance to young women for their university education. The first recipients started university in 2016.Senator Dean Smith, a homosexual Liberal Party member, changed his views on same-sex marriage in Australia due to Tori Johnson and his partner of 14 years. Smith later introduced a bill aimed at legalising same-sex marriage to the Senate, which became law.A ceremony unveiling the memorial was held on 16 December 2017.The Lindt Cafe closed in October 2021 due to lack of patronage caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing construction work for the Sydney Metro.\n\nSee also\nList of mass shootings in Australia\nSydney siege inquest\n2015 Parramatta shooting\nCrime in Australia\nIslam in Australia",6  "char_len": 76319,7  "document_hash": "d1489933bf12972199b89a21a42e1626908988b38f66c10961d92c2e09ac8246",8  "questions": [9    {10      "question_id": "q00",11      "qtype": "hotpotqa",12      "question": "Who was the gunman of the hostage crisis which Chris Reason was awarded the Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award for his coverage of?"13    }14  ]15}