spb/wp30_uqo

1{2  "document_id": "lb_hotpotqa_9336554e511e88766228ffa1acd1c6f82c9a41046514c253",3  "family": "public_hotpotqa",4  "split": "dev",5  "text": "Passage 1:\nPrimary Care Behavioral health\nThe primary care behavioral health (PCBH) consultation model is a psychological approach to population-based clinical health care that is simultaneously co-located, collaborative, and integrated within the primary care clinic. The goal of PCBH is to improve and promote overall health within the general population. This approach is important because approximately half of all patients in primary care present with psychiatric comorbidities, and 60% of psychiatric illness is treated in primary care.Primary care practice has traditionally adopted a generalist approach whereby physicians are trained in the medical model and solutions to problems typically involve medications, procedures, and advice. Appointment times are short, with the goal of seeing a large number of patients in a day. Many patients present with behavioral health care needs that may overlap with medical disorders and that may exacerbate, complicate, or masquerade as physical symptoms. In addition, many medical problems present with associated psychological sequelae (such as stress, emotional reactions, dysfunctional lifestyle behaviors), that are amenable to change through behavioral interventions that can improve outcomes for these health problems.\nThe PCBH model enables early identification and behavioral/medical intervention that can prevent some acute problems from becoming chronic health care problems (such as chronic pain, diabetes, COPD, hypertension, obesity), which are the cause of many medical visits to primary care clinics. Behavioral health consultants (BHCs) work side-by-side with all members of the clinical care team (including primary care providers (PCPs) and nursing staff) to enhance preventive and clinical care for mental health problems that have traditionally been treated solely by physicians. The role of the BHC is to facilitate systemic change within primary care that facilitates a multidisciplinary approach both from a treatment and reimbursement standpoint. BHCs typically collaborate with physicians to develop treatment plans, monitor patient progress, and flexibly provide care to meet patients' changing needs. Moreover, the integrated care model increases behavioral health accessibility, fosters communication between patients and their primary care team, and improves patients' experiences receiving primary care.\n\nAssociated terms\nPrimary care psychology\nProvision of clinical mental health services through a population-based focus on the common problems confronting a majority of individuals. Such issues treated in primary care may include response to physical illness, stress, affective concerns, substance use and abuse, and developmental and situational issues among others. Primary care psychologists are co-located with primary care providers and usually share the same physical space in practice. Primary care psychologists may retain the traditional session length of specialty care or may adhere to a brief, consultative approach that is solution-focused. Primary care psychologists may often be trained in health psychology programs, but not exclusively so.Behavioral health consultant\nBehavioral health consultants and primary care physicians collaborate within the same system. The behavioral health provider works as part of the medical team to meet the wide range of needs with which patients present.Collaborative care\nThis model uses databases or what are known as registries to track and monitor patients with certain conditions. Typical examples in primary care include diabetes and depression. Often the person managing the registry is a nurse or mental health professional who performs follow-up phone calls and assists the primary care team in following evidence-based protocols. There is often also a consulting psychiatrist who oversees the provision of care in primary care.\n\nRationale\nPrimary care has often been termed the de facto mental health system in the United States. Research shows that approximately half of all mental health care services are provided solely by primary care providers. Furthermore, primary care practitioners prescribe about 70% of all psychotropic medications and 80% of antidepressants. Thus, while it seems there are various \"specialty\" mental health clinics and psychiatrists alike, the primary care environment continues to lend itself to an array of psychiatric issues. One reason is that physical health problems can contribute to psychological dysfunction and vice versa. Examples of the frequent comorbity between medical and psychological problems include: chronic pain can cause depression; panic symptoms can lead to complaints of heart palpitations; and stress can contribute to irritable bowl syndrome. While these mind-body relationships may seem obvious, often the presenting problem is far less clear, with the physical health problem being masked by psychosocial concerns. In fact, of the 10 most common complaints in primary care, less than 16% had a diagnosable physical etiology. The psychosocial impact on primary care is tremendous (approximately 70% of all visits); however, it is curious that few mental health providers have traditionally placed themselves where the demand for their services is arguably the greatest. \nDespite the availability of outpatient mental health resources, research indicates that patients are still driven to the primary care setting. In fact, studies show that as little as 10% of patients actually follow through when being referred by a physician to receive outpatient mental health treatment. Many experts believe this low completion rate is tied to the stigma that often surrounds mental health care, causing patients to deny or refuse to seek help for psychiatric needs. As a general rule, patients who do choose to address their mental health concerns express a preference for services in primary care likely due to its familiarity and less stigmatizing environment. However, as many medical providers will admit, their training has left them ill-prepared to appropriately treat the psychiatric sequalae that presents in their clinic. The PCBH model has sought to address this dilemma by providing access to mental health services on site to more effectively target the biological, psychological, and social aspects of patient care. Resulting from close collaboration between physicians and mental health providers, the patients' needs are more adequately met by care that is more comprehensive and collaborative between physicians and mental health providers. Furthermore, the patients are more likely to follow through with primary care services, with referral rates around 80–90%.\n\nThe behavioral health consultant model\nBehavioral health consultants are culturally competent generalists who provide treatment for a wide variety of mental health, psychosocial, motivational, and medical concerns, including management of anxiety, depression, substance abuse, smoking cessation, sleep hygiene, and diabetes among others. BHCs also provide support and management for patients with severe and persistent mental illness and tend to be familiar with psychopharmacological interventions. Paralleling general medicine, patients who require more extensive mental health treatment are typically referred to specialty care. BHC appointments are typically 15–30 minutes long with the goal of utilizing brief interventions to reduce functional impairment for the population as a whole. BHCs tend to provide focused feedback to PCPs with succinct, action oriented recommendations to help effectively manage patients' needs. BHC interventions tend to be more cost effective and offer increased access to care, with improved patient and provider satisfaction.\n\nEvidence base\nA comparison of an enhanced-referral system to a BHC model found that more than 80% of medical providers rated communication between themselves and the BHC as occurring \"frequently,\" relative to less than 50% in an enhanced-referral model of care. Providers strongly preferred an integrated care model to the enhanced-referral model. Another single-site study at an urban community health center found that embedding BHCs resulted in reduced referrals to specialty mental health (8% of depressed patients were referred) along with improved adherence to evidence-based guidelines for the care of depression and reduced prescriptions for antidepressants. Moreover, a recent literature review revealed that improved outcomes in mental health care were associated with several fundamental characteristics, including collaboration and co-location with PCP and mental health providers, as well as systematic follow-up, medication compliance, patient psycho-education, and patient input into treatment modality. In general the number of empirical investigations that have examined the clinical impact and cost-offset of the BHC model is still limited, although a growing body of evidence supports the utility of other integrated behavior health programs (with varying degrees of integration) in academic settings, Veterans Affairs Medical Centers, and community health care settings. A 2011 Cochrane review found that counselling in primary care settings resulted in significantly greater clinical effectiveness in short term mental health outcomes compared to usual care but provided no longer term benefits. Since all of the studies reviewed were from the United Kingdom, how well these findings can be generalized to other settings is unknown.\n\nDepression care\nSpecifically targeting depression, Schulberg, Raue, & Rollman (2002) reviewed 12 randomized controlled trials (RCTs) that examined evidence-based treatments for major depression (interpersonal psychotherapy & cognitive-behavior therapy) and problem-solving therapy, compared to usual care by PCP's (i.e. antidepressant medication, drug placebo, or unspecified control). The authors concluded that evidence-based psychotherapies adapted for the primary care setting are comparable to pharmacotherapy alone and superior to PCP's usual care. The use of brief evidence-based psychotherapies, such as those reviewed by Schulberg et al., 2002, are fundamental within the PCBH model. The PCBH model emphasizes a problem-focused and functional-contextual approach to assessment and treatment of behavioral health and mental disorders. Wolf and Hopko's (2008) recent review of treatments for depression in primary care concluded that adaptations of CBT for depression in primary care are \"probably efficacious.\" Research also shows that providing basic training in CBT to PCPs is not enough to produce robust clinical outcomes (King et al., 2002); highlighting the importance of the BHC's integrated role in primary care. With respect to the impact of behavioral health consultation on pharmacological treatment of major and minor depression, compared to usual care Katon et al. (1995) found improved medication adherence, increased patient satisfaction with treatment, and overall greater improvements in mood over time for major depression. Inclusion of a behavioral health professional in the treatment of depression in primary care improves outcomes, patient and physician satisfaction, and costs less than usual care. The PCBH model prioritizes the usage of treatment algorithms based on scientific guidelines that include pharmacological and psychotherapeutic interventions. This approach seeks to ensure that patients receive the safest and most effective treatments available.\n\nAnxiety care\nAlthough less empirical attention has been directed toward improving treatment of anxiety disorders in primary care, Stanley et al. found 8 sessions of CBT delivered in a co-located model, superior to usual care for generalized anxiety disorder. Additionally, a collaborative care approach that packaged brief CBT with pharmacotherapy reduced disability, increased remitted symptoms, and decreased anxiety sensitivity for individuals diagnosed with panic disorder relative to usual care and demonstrated greater improvement in depression, anxiety, and disability measures at 6 month follow-up,. Further, clinical guidelines for the treatment of generalized anxiety disorder and panic disorder in primary care recommend behavior therapy and/or SSRI.\n\nHealth behavior change\nIn regard to other health behaviors, strict utilization of the BHC model has shown significant improvements in sleep difficulties, while less integrated models of behavioral health have produced favorable outcomes for smoking cessation, diabetes adherence, and pain disorders. Whitlock et al., suggest brief behavioral interventions have only a modest impact on health behavior change. However, they also suggested that within a population-based model of care modest changes in behavioral health \"translate to significant effects.\"\n\nAlternative models of care\nTraditional outpatient psychotherapy\nCommonly called \"specialty\" care, traditional outpatient psychotherapy usually involves treatment of mental health concerns in an outpatient clinic or another setting independent of medical care. Sessions are usually 50 minutes in length and the duration of treatment may vary from weeks to years depending on the mental health concern. Typically, little contact occurs between therapists and patients' physicians or psychiatrists, and coordination of care may be difficult, time consuming, and expensive. The payment and access systems for specialty mental health are also usually distinct from and more cumbersome than that for primary care treatment.\n\nCo-located care model\nBehavioral health providers and PCPs practice within the same office or building but maintain separate care delivery systems, including records and treatment plans. However, behavioral health providers and PCPs may consult one another for enhanced treatment outcomes.\n\nPolicy\nFunding has been a barrier to the implementation of the PCBH consultant model. The cost of treatment and lack of affordable health care has been a barrier for many people with mental illness to receive treatment. In the private sector insurance market mental health treatment is often segregated from other medical care, isolated in separate systems of care and payment. Typically this makes it more difficult for patients to access services readily, if at all. For uninsured patients the United States federal government can provide (depending on eligibility criteria) Medicaid which provides insurance coverage for a large number of individuals with severe and persistent mental illness. The federal government provides money to each state to fund Medicaid programs and provides general mandates on how the money must be spent. Because the federal government has special relationships with Veteran's Administration hospitals and clinics and federally qualified health centers and because several federal agencies have identified integrated care as key targets for improved primary care, the PCBH model has been able to take root in these systems whereas only a few PCBH programs exist in private insurance environments. One major barrier in some states (states can set some of their own rules with regard to Medicaid) is the prohibition of same-day billing. This makes it impossible for a PCBH program since the fundamental concept behind PCBH is the provision of services (medical and mental health visit) on the same day. Typically eligible professionals for Medicaid reimbursement in federally qualified health centers include psychiatrists, psychologists and licensed clinical social workers. Access to care and payment tends to be less restrictive with Medicare, another federal program for persons without private insurance.\nThe other major issue impacting the development of the PCBH model is the dearth of well-trained mental health workers. At present professional training programs with an emphasis in primary care are limited in number which has led to the growth of internships of varying kinds to train students and retrain professionals (see training programs below).\n\nPCBH and health disparities in the United States\nAs the population of the United States becomes more diverse, the approach to population-based care must also adjust accordingly. Projections published by the U.S. Census Bureau estimate that by the year 2042 White, non-Hispanic people will no longer be the majority of the population in the United States. According to the 2010 census, White, non-Hispanic people are no longer the majority of the population in Texas, California, the District of Columbia, Hawaii, and New Mexico. The changing population of the United States is generating a need to incorporate cultural competence into the way primary care services are delivered. These changes in the population are concurrent with increasing evidence of disparities in the quality of care that is provided to historically underserved populations within the United States. Underserved populations have low levels of access and utilization based on economic, cultural, and systemic barriers to care.\nBehavioral health providers in primary care settings have an opportunity to directly impact health care disparities by designing \"…strategies to enhance cooperative or healthy behavior\". \"The premise is that mismatches in models (i.e., expectations about illness and health interactions) between the patient and the health provider may render medical care 'psychologically' inaccessible to ethnic minorities, resulting in poorer health outcomes for these populations (possibly via noncompliance).\" Strategies that help bridge mismatches improve treatment outcomes and make care more accessible for underserved populations.\nBy establishing a role in primary care, the front-line of health-care delivery, behavioral health providers gain direct access to patients and providers. Healthy People 2010, published in 2007, recommended \"that early intervention efforts to protect and promote mental health, including screening and the promotion of mental health awareness, become an essential component of primary care visits and school health assessments.\". This objective has been largely retained in the proposed objectives for Healthy People 2020. As Hass and deGruy pointed out, \"The primary care patient may or may not believe that she has a mental problem, and may or may not be ready to agree to psychological treatment ... primary care psychologists [must] make services accessible and understandable to patients…\". Because of the difference in how patients, particularly those from underserved groups, may express their distress and respond to the stigma of mental illness providing Behavioral Health services through primary care will likely make services more psychologically and physically accessible.\nProviding culturally-competent, population based care can difficult to conceptualize, particularly in the context of the fast-paced environment of primary care. Hunter et al. propose \"a patient-centered, culturally competent approach for effective communication and care…that includes the Explanatory model of health and illness, Social and environmental factors affecting adherence, Fears and concerns about medication and side effects, Treatment understanding model of culturally competent practice\". By adopting this kind of approach, Behavioral Health providers can help primary care providers meet the medical, psychological, and cultural needs of the patient.\n\nHistory\nIn the early 1960s, Kaiser Permanente, an early HMO, uncovered that 60% of physician visits were either individuals who were somatizing stress or whose physical condition was exacerbated by emotional factors. These findings prompted Kaiser to explore various strategies to better manage psychosocial complaints, with ultimate goal of cost reduction. Psychotherapy, which was offered as a prepaid benefit, was studied as a method to reduce primary care visits while also more properly (and less expensively) addressing the problem at hand. Studies revealed that by participating in brief psychotherapy, medical utilization reduced by 65%. The initiatives at Kaiser Permanente set in motion a large body of research on medical cost-offset, a term for the reduction in medical costs that occurs as a result of a patient receiving appropriately designed behavior health services in lieu of more expensive medical services. The National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) funded several replications examining medical cost offset in the years to follow, with reductions of cost around 30 to 65%. One important trend that emerged in this literature was the greater the collaboration between primary care, the better the cost offset. Likewise, the more \"traditional\" the behavioral interventions, the less the medical cost offset.\nIn 1981, the Health Care Financing Administration (HCFA) sponsored the Hawaii Medicaid Project, a seven-year prospective study examining the impact of a new, collaborative behavioral health system among 36,000 Medicaid beneficiaries and 91,000 federal employees in Honolulu. This landmark trial compared the medical cost-offset among patients who received brief and targeted interventions, those who received a 52-session annual psychotherapy benefit, and those who received no treatment. The results showed that the brief, targeted interventions reduced saved $350 per patient per year while psychotherapy actually increased costs by $750 per year. The Hawaii Medicaid Project became the prototype for cost offset research and spawned future projects among managed care organizations, with goal of reducing costs. In 1987, Humana followed suit by studying brief behavioral intervention among Medicare recipients in Florida, with the intention of reducing medical utilization among recent widows and widowers. Known as the Bereavement Program, Humana learned after 2 years $1400 could be saved per patient via brief group intervention for bereavement. In the 1990s, other HMOs and regional group practices began to integrate behavioral health services into primary care, including Kaiser Permanente, Healthcare Partners, Group Health Cooperative of Puget Sound, Kaiser Group Health of Minnesota, and Duke University Medical Center.In the years to follow, behavioral health integration started to gain support from a federal level, as United States Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) systems began to conduct research around the impact of primary care psychologists, beginning with the Healthcare Network of Upstate New York (VISN2). In the last decade, additional VA systems have followed suit with primary care behavioral health programs of their own to meet the increasing mental health demands of soldiers returning from war. More recently, federal support has begun to take hold by increasing funding for integrated behavioral health services for various federally qualified health centers (FQHCs) in the United States. Primary care behavioral health was seen as a solution in FQHCs to address the mental health needs of the Medicaid and uninsured populations, with the goal of better treatment and reduced overall costs.\nPassage 2:\nFredric Rieders\nFredric Rieders (July 9, 1922 – November 26, 2005) was an internationally renowned forensic toxicologist. He was born in Vienna, Austria and reportedly emigrated to the United States alone at age 16 to escape Nazism. During the O.J. Simpson murder trial, he testified that the presence of detectable amounts of the preservative EDTA found in blood at the scene indicated it may not have come from a human being, but possibly was planted.Other of his well-known cases include the Robert Curley, in which Curley's wife, Joann, poisoned him with thallium; another case is that of Michael Swango, or \"Dr. Death\"—a serial killer who killed as many as 60 of his patients at various hospitals he worked at using succinylcholine and epinephrine. Rieders also offered testimony in 1991 at one of the many trials at which Jack Kevorkian was a defendant. Rieders testified that Kevorkian might have used an excessive amount of the sedative thiopental, and the sedative might actually have killed her before a lethal dose of potassium chloride had a chance to stop her heart, as Dr. Kevorkian had intended.Rieders received his PhD in Pharmacology-Toxicology from Thomas Jefferson University. He worked as the Chief Toxicologist for the City of Philadelphia for fourteen years. He later founded National Medical Services in Willow Grove, Pennsylvania in 1970. Now called NMS Labs, it is a private toxicology lab that handles forensic and clinical toxicology.Rieders established the non-profit Fredric Rieders Family Renaissance Foundation. Most notably, he established the non-profit Forensic Sciences Mentoring Institute, described as a \"hands-on research and academic instruction organization designed to support scientific and humanitarian activities serving students of all ages but specifically the young and especially the disadvantaged.\" Currently the Foundation is affiliated with Arcadia University's Master of Science in Forensic Science program. Rieders died on November 26, 2005, aged 83.\n\nO.J. Simpson murder trial\nDr. Rieders testified in the criminal trial of O.J Simpson on July 24, 1995 and August 14, 1995. His testimony was interrupted because he had to leave the country. When he returned, according to the Los Angeles Times, \"Not only did he refuse to answer questions directly, but his mood ranged from belligerent to confused.\"\nPassage 3:\nVilma Santos\nRosa Vilma Tuazon Santos-Recto (Tagalog pronunciation: [ˈsantɔs ˈrɛktɔ], born November 3, 1953) is a Filipino actress, singer, dancer, TV host, producer, and politician. She served as a House Deputy Speaker from 2019 to 2022 and as the Representative of Batangas' 6th district from 2016 to 2022.\nHer career as an actress has spanned more than five decades, beginning when she debuted as a child actress in the 1963 film Trudis Liit, for which she won her first FAMAS Award (Best Child Performer). She won the FAMAS Award for Best Actress for her dual role in Dama de Noche (1972). She has portrayed the superhero Darna in four films beginning with Lipad, Darna, Lipad! (1973). Santos produced Pagputi ng Uwak, Pag-itim ng Tagak (1978), which won both the FAMAS Award for Best Picture and the Gawad Urian for Best Film. In local media, she has been referred to as \"Star for All Seasons\" for the varied genres of her films and holds the titles of Grand Slam Queen, Queen of Queens, and the Longest Reigning Box Office Queen of Philippine Cinema. She was hailed as the enduring Grand Dame of the Philippine Film Industry by a foreign critic at the 2013 Toronto International Film Festival, the first Filipina actress to be bestowed such a tile.Santos is also a prominent politician, and had served as governor of Batangas for three consecutive terms and as mayor of Lipa for also three consecutive terms. She was elected as the Representative of the 6th District of Batangas which comprise only the City of Lipa in 2016. She was encouraged by various political parties to run for the Senate in 2019, but refused to do so.\n\nActing career\nVilma Santos is widely considered as the most lastingly successful Filipino film and television actress of all time. She was adjudged as the greatest movie actress of the Philippines for the years 2000 to 2020 by the Philippine Entertainment Portal for her continued portrayal of a wide range of award-winning roles as well as for being a consistent box-office draw despite being in the industry for nearly six decades. Vilma's venture into politics made her semi-retire from showbusiness in the late 1990's yet she still emerged as the actress with the most number of local best actress awards so far in the 21st century.She started her acting career when one of her uncles, who was a cameraman at Sampaguita Pictures, convinced her to try out for the movies. Initially, Sampaguita Pictures had planned a child star role for her in Anak, Ang Iyong Ina (1963). When Santos was in the studio, she noticed a long line of little girls. Thinking that that line was the line for her audition, she decided to queue in. The long line turned out to be for an audition for Sampaguita Pictures' offering Trudis Liit (Little Trudis).\nWhen it was her turn to audition, she was asked by the panel to sing, dance and cry on cue. She got the part of \"Trudis Liit\" for which she received the FAMAS Awards Best Child Performer award for 1963.She was cast in Sa Bawat Pintig ng Puso (1964), Maria Cecilia (1965), Kasalanan Kaya? (1968), Iginuhit ng Tadhana (1965) and later in its sequel Pinagbuklod ng Langit (1969).\n\nPolitical career\nMayor of Lipa City\nIn 1998, she entered politics and ran for mayor of Lipa City, Batangas where she won three consecutive elections, becoming the city's first female mayor.In 2005, the University of the Philippines Diliman conferred on her the Gawad Plaridel Award for her achievements and contributions both as an actress and a public servant. In the same year she was conferred an honorary doctorate degree (honoris causa) in humanities by the Lipa City College. She was again honored in 2006 by UP Diliman as one of the four awardees in UP's First Diwata Awards.\n\nGovernor of Batangas\nIn 2007, Santos-Recto was on her third and final term as Mayor of Lipa and was barred for seeking another term. She became a reluctant candidate for Governor of Batangas as her brother-in-law, incumbent Vice Governor Richard Recto, is seeking the governorship.\nOn March 5, 2007, during the regular flag-raising ceremony at the Lipa City Hall, Santos-Recto ask for a week to decide if she will run or not. This was attended by thousands of her supporters not only in Lipa but from different towns in Batangas. On March 12, 2007, she made her final decision, running for Governor of Batangas despite having her brother-in-law as her rival, including incumbent governor Arman Sanchez and former police chief Nestor Sanares.\nOn the day of her filing of her candidacy, Richard Recto decided to withdraw his candidacy and run for Congress instead.\nSantos-Recto was proclaimed Governor-elect of Batangas on May 21, 2007, after garnering 475,740 votes against incumbent Arman Sanchez's 344,969, becoming the first female governor of the province. She was reelected to her second term as Governor of Batangas in 2010, defeating incumbent Santo Tomas Mayor Edna Sanchez, who substituted her husband Arman Sanchez who died few weeks before the election. She was re-elected to her third and final term as Governor in 2013.\n\nMember, House of Representatives\nAfter her election for her third and final term as Governor of Batangas, speculations circulated that Santos-Recto would run for the national level. However, she declined every offer to run for a higher level. She decided to run as the first representative of the newly formed 6th District of Batangas, would comprise only the City of Lipa. Santos-Recto won by a landslide, defeating Bernadette Sabili.She became chairman of the Committee on Civil Service and Professional Regulation. However, she was removed from the post by the House leadership for her rejection of the reimposition of capital punishment. She is the vice chair of the Committee on Globalization and WTO and the Committee on Local Government. She is also a member of the committees on Basic Education and Culture, Cooperatives Development, Information and Communications Technology, Interparliamentary Relations and Diplomacy, Labor and Employment, Poverty Alleviation, Public Works and Highways, Southern Tagalog Development, Ways and Means, Welfare af Children, and Women and Gender Equality.\nShe is co-author of the SOGIE Equality bill (Anti-discrimination bill), Magna Carta for Day Care Workers, Maternity Leave Increase bill, Cancer Awareness bill, expanded Senior Citizens bill, and Post-graduate Education for Teachers bill.In September 2018, she switched from the Liberal Party, where she was a member since 2009, to the Nacionalista Party.On July 10, 2020, she is one of the 11 representatives who voted favor to grant ABS-CBN's legislative franchise. in which she supported the network's cause for the people and culture. ABS-CBN is also responsible for the restoration of some of her films as well as preservation, which includes Kapag Langit ang Humatol, Anak, Haplos, and Dekada '70.\nAlthough she's eligible to run for a third term, and due to speculations that she might run for a national post, Santos-Recto decided not to seek another term, nor run in any position in the 2022 elections, due to the COVID-19 pandemic.\n\nPersonal life\nVilma Santos-Recto is married to Senator Ralph Recto. They have one son, named Ryan Christian. She also has one son, Luis Manzano from her previous marriage to Edu Manzano.\n\nFilmography\nTelevision\nFilm\nAwards in television\n1998 – Ading Fernando Lifetime Achievement Award – Star Awards for TV\n\nAwards in film\n1983 – FAMAS Medallion of Excellence (Child Actress)\n1983 – FAMAS Medallion of Excellence (Lead Actress)\n1983 – FAMAS Medallion of Excellence (Producer)\n1989 – FAMAS Hall of Fame\n1990 – PMPC Star Awards Darling of the Press\n1990 – Gawad Urian Aktres ng Dekada '80 (Actress of the Decade '80)\n1997 – FAP Lifetime Achievement Award\n1998 – FAMAS Lifetime Achievement Award\n1999 – PMPC Star Awards Special Citation for winning at the Brussels Int'l Film Festival\n1999 – Natatanging Artista ng Taon\n2000 – Gawad Urian Aktress ng Dekada '90(Actress of Decade '90)\n2000 – Cinemanila Lifetime Achievement Award\n2000 – Pelikula At Lipunan Special Award\n2002 – Cinemanila Lifetime Achievement Award\n2003 – S Magazine's Actress of The Year\n2004 – Natatanging Gawad Tanglaw\n2005 – PMPC Star Dekada Award in Acting\n2005 – Feminist Centennial Filmfest – Outstanding Achievement in Film Acting\n2005 – GAWAD PLARIDEL for Outstanding Achievement in Film\n2005 – GMMSF All-Time Favorite Actress\n2005 – Gawad Suri Award for Exemplary Film Practitioner\n2006 – First Pioneer Filipino Animation Awards – for Darna, given by the United Animation Inc. and United Staffing Registry Inc.\n2006 – University of the Philippines Diwata Awards\n2008 – 25th PMPC Star Awards Lifetime Achievement Awardee\n2008 – Fil-Am Visionary Legend Award\n2009 – 7th ENPRESS Golden Screen Awards Lifetime Achievement Awardee\n2009 – FAMAS Exemplary Achievement Awardee\n2009 – Cinema One Original Filmfest Legend Award\n2011 – Golden Screen Awards Movie Icon of our Time Awardee\n2011 – Gawad Tanglaw Artista Ng Dekada\n2012 – Yahoo Awards Major Impact\n2014 – Cinema One Numero Uno Icon Award\n2015 – NCCA Ani ng Dangal for Ekstra\n2016 – FAMAS Presidential Award\n2016 – FAP Golden Reel Award\n2017 – PMPC Star Awards for Movies Ginintuang Bituin ng Penikulang Pilipino\n2017 – Natatanging Gawad Urian\n2019 – Gawad Pasado Best Actress Hall of Famer (Films Bata Bata Paano Ka Ginawa?,(1998), Anak (2000), Dekada 70 (2002), Everything About Her (2017)\n2019 – PMPC Star Awards for Movies Natatanging Bituin ng Siglo\n2019 – SPEED Awards for Movies – Eddys Icon Awards\n2021 – PEP Greatest Movie Actress for the Years 2000-2021\n2022 – MMFF Marichu Vera Pere Memorial Award\n2023 – FDCP Sining Lifetime Achievement Award\n\nDiscography\nAlbums\n2000 – Anak Soundtrack\n2005 – Vilma (CD, collection of 23 songs)\n\nSongs/covers\n1969 – \"Sixteen\"\n1969 – \"Da Doo Ron Ron\"\n1969 – \"Wonderful to Be in Love\"\n1969 – \"I Saw Mommy Kissing Santa Claus\"\n1970 – \"Breaking Up Is Hard to Do\"\n1970 – \"Something Stupid\"\n1970 – \"Bring Back Your Love\"\n1970 – \"You're All I Want for Christmas\"\n1970 – \"I Wonder Why\"\n1971 – \"Abadaba Honeymoon\"\n1971 – \"Bobby, Bobby, Bobby\"\n1971 – \"Dry Your Eyes\"\n1971 – \"Love, Love\"\n1971 – \"It's Been a Long Long Time\"\n1971 – \"Baby Cakes\"\n1971 – \"I Love You Honey\"\n1971 – \"Then Along Came You, Edgar\"\n1971 – \"Mandolin in the Moonlight\"\n1971 – \"Sealed with a Kiss\"\n1971 – \"Tweddle Dee\"\n1971 – \"Raindrops Keep Falling on My Head\"\n1971 – \"Don't You Break My Heart\"\n1971 – \"Wonderful World of Music\"\n1971 – \"You Made Me Love You\"\n1971 – \"The Birds and the Bees\"\n1972 – \"Rick Tick Song\"\n1972 – \"Sad Movies (Make Me Cry)\"\n1972 – \"My Boy Lollipop\"\n1973 – \"Palung-Palo Ako\"\n1973 – \"Walang Umiibig\"\n1974 – \"Tok Tok Palatok\"\n1974 – \"Isipin Mong Basta't Mahal Kita\"\n1974 – \"Batya't Palu Palo\"\n1974 – \"Mamang Kutsero\"\n1976 – \"Mga Rosas sa Putikan\"\n\nAwards in music\nPassage 4:\nAtlanta murders of 1979–81\nThe Atlanta murders of 1979–1981, sometimes called the Atlanta child murders, was a series of murders committed in Atlanta, Georgia, between July 1979 and May 1981. Over the two-year period, at least 28 children, adolescents, and adults were killed.\nWayne Williams, an Atlanta native who was 23 years old at the time of the last murder, was arrested, tried, and convicted of two of the adult murders and sentenced to two consecutive life terms. Police subsequently have attributed a number of the child murders to Williams, although he has not been charged in any of those cases, and Williams himself maintains his innocence, although the killings ceased after his arrest. In March 2019, the Atlanta police, under the order of Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms, reopened the cases in hopes that new technology will lead to a conviction for the murders that were never resolved. In July 2021, Bottoms announced that DNA had been identified and sampled in two cases that will be subjected to additional analysis by a private lab. Additionally, investigators combed through 40% of the original DNA evidence and sent that to the same private lab for testing on June 21, 2021.\n\nTimeline of murders\n1979\nIn the middle of 1979, Edward Hope Smith (also known as \"Teddy\"), 14, and Alfred Evans (also known as \"Q\"), 13, disappeared four days apart. Their bodies were found on July 28 in a wooded area, Smith with a .22 caliber gunshot wound in his upper back. They were believed to be the first victims of the putative \"Atlanta Child Killer.\"\nOn September 4, the next victim, 14-year-old Milton Harvey, disappeared while on an errand to the bank for his mother. He was riding a bike which was found a week later in a remote area of Atlanta. His body was not recovered until November of that year.\nOn October 21, 9-year-old Yusuf Bell went to a store to buy Bruton snuff for a neighbor, Eula Birdsong, at Reese Grocery on McDaniel Street. A witness said she saw Yusuf near the intersection of McDaniel and Fulton getting into a blue car before he disappeared. His body was found on November 8 in the abandoned E. P. Johnson Elementary School by a school janitor who was looking for a place to urinate. Bell's body was found clothed in the brown cut-off shorts he was last seen wearing, though they had a piece of masking tape stuck to them. He had been hit over the head twice, and the cause of death was strangulation. Police did not immediately link his disappearance to the previous killings.\n\n1980\nOn March 4, 1980, the first female victim, 12-year-old Angel Lenair, disappeared. She left her house around 4 pm, wearing a denim outfit, and was last seen at a friend's house watching the television program Sanford and Son. Lenair's body was found six days later, in a wooded vacant lot along Campbellton Road, wearing the same clothes in which she had left home. A pair of white panties that did not belong to Lenair were stuffed in her mouth, and her hands were bound with an electrical cord. The cause of death was strangulation.\nOn March 11, one week after Lanier's disappearance, 11-year-old Jeffery Mathis disappeared while on an errand for his mother. He was wearing gray jogging pants, brown shoes, and a white and green shirt. Months later a girl said she saw him get into a blue car with a light-skinned man and a dark-skinned man. The body of Jeffrey Mathis was found in a \"briar-covered patch of woodlands,\" 11 months after he disappeared, by which time it was not possible to identify a cause of death.\nOn May 18, 15-year-old Eric Middlebrooks disappeared. He was last seen answering the telephone at home and then leaving in a hurry on his bicycle, taking with him a hammer to repair the bicycle. His body was found the following day next to his bicycle in the rear garage of an Atlanta bar. The bar was located next door to what was then the Georgia Department of Offender Rehabilitation. His pockets were turned inside out, his chest and arms had slight stab wounds, and the cause of death was determined to be blunt force trauma to the head. A few weeks before he disappeared, Middlebrooks had testified against three juveniles in a robbery case.\nOn June 9, 12-year-old Christopher Richardson went missing on his way to a local pool. He was last seen walking towards the DeKalb County's Midway Recreation Center in Midway Park. He was wearing blue shorts, a light blue shirt and blue tennis shoes. His body was not found until the following January, clothed in unfamiliar swim trunks, along with the body of a later victim, Earl Terrell. The cause of Richardson's death was not determined.\nOn June 22, 7-year-old LaTonya Wilson disappeared from her parents' apartment. According to a witness, she appeared to have been abducted by two men, one of whom was seen climbing into the apartment window and then holding Wilson in his arms as he spoke to the other man in the parking lot. On October 18, Wilson's body was found in a fenced-in area at the end of Verbena Street in Atlanta. By then, the body had skeletonized, and no cause of death could be established.\nThe next day, June 23, 10-year-old Aaron Wyche disappeared after having been seen near a local grocery store, getting into a blue Chevrolet with either one or two black men. A female witness says she saw Wyche being led from Tanner's Corner Grocery by a 6-foot-tall 180-pound black male, approximately 30 years old, with a mustache and goatee. The witness's description of the car matched a description of a similar car implicated in the earlier Jeffrey Mathis disappearance. At 6 pm, Wyche was seen at a shopping center. The following day, Wyche's body was found under a bridge; the official cause of death was asphyxiation from a broken neck suffered in a fall.\nIn July 1980, two more children, 9-year-old Anthony Carter and 10-year-old Earl Terrell, were murdered.\nClifford Jones, aged 13, disappeared on August 20. He was found dead from strangulation. His body was found on August 21 behind a dumpster in the rear of the former Hollywood Plaza shopping center.\nDarron Glass, aged 10, was reported missing on September 14. His body has not been recovered.\nCharles Stephens, aged 12, was reported missing on October 9. His body was found the next day on Norman Berry Drive near the entrance to a Trailer Park. Stephens' body was missing his T-Shirt, and one of his shoes, he remained wearing his dark blue pants. Police determined that his cause of death was asphyxiation, rub marks were identified on his nose and mouth. Dog hairs and two Caucasian head hairs were found on the body along with two pubic hairs, which did not belong to Stephens or Williams, which were found on his boxers 950 feet away. The state considered this a 'pattern case' in Williams' trial.\nAaron Jackson, aged 9, went missing on November 1. His body was discovered the next day strangled, lying face-up on a river bank.\nPatrick Rogers, aged 16, knew several of the previous victims. He went missing on November 30. His body was found on December 7 in the Chattahoochee river. Police speculated that he was dropped from the bridge above.\n\n1981\nThe murders continued into 1981. The first known victim in the new year was 14-year-old Lubie Geter, who disappeared on January 3. Geter's body was found on February 5.\nGeter's friend, 15-year-old Terry Pue went missing in January. An anonymous caller told the police where to find Pue's body. Terry lived in the same apartment as Edward \"Teddy\" Smith, who was killed in 1979.\nIn February and March 1981, six more bodies were discovered, believed to be linked to the previous homicides. Among the deceased was the body of 21-year-old Eddie Duncan, the first adult victim.\nIn April, 20-year-old Larry Rogers, 28-year-old John Porter, and 21-year-old Jimmy Ray Payne were murdered. Porter and Payne were ex-convicts and had just recently been released from Arrendale State Prison after serving time for burglary.\nOn May 12, 1981, FBI agents found the body of 17-year-old William \"Billy Star\" Barrett on a curb in a wooded area near his home. A witness, 32-year-old Harold Wood, a custodian from Southwest High School, had run out of gas about a mile from the scene. Wood described a black man standing over and observing the location where the body was found before driving away in a white-over-blue Cadillac.\nDuring the end of May 1981, the last reported victim was added to the list: 27-year-old Nathaniel Cater. He was last seen by gardener Robert I. Henry at the entrance of the Rialto Theatre in Atlanta, reportedly holding hands with Wayne Williams. His body was discovered two days later.\nInvestigator Chet Dettlinger created a map of the victims' locations. Despite the difference in ages, the victims fell within the same geographic parameters. They were connected to Memorial Drive and 11 major streets in the area.\n\nCapturing the suspect\nDuring the murders, more than 100 agents were working on the investigation. The city of Atlanta imposed curfews, and parents in the city removed their children from school and forbade them from playing outside.\nAs the media coverage of the killings intensified, the FBI predicted that the killer might dump the next victim into a body of water to conceal any evidence. Police staked out nearly a dozen area bridges, including crossings of the Chattahoochee River. During a stakeout on May 22, 1981, detectives got their first major break when an officer heard a splash beneath a bridge. Another officer saw a white 1970 Chevrolet station wagon turn around and drive back across the bridge.Two police cars later stopped the suspect station wagon about a half-mile from the bridge. The driver was 23-year-old Wayne Bertram Williams, a supposed music promoter and freelance photographer. The Chevrolet wagon belonged to his parents. During questioning, Williams said he was on his way to audition a woman, Cheryl Johnson, as a singer. Williams claimed she lived in the nearby town of Smyrna. Police did not find any record of her or the appointment.\nTwo days later, on May 24, the nude body of Nathaniel Cater, 27, was found floating downriver a few miles from the bridge where police had seen the suspicious station wagon. Based on this evidence, including the police officer's hearing of the splash, police believed that Williams had killed Cater and disposed of his body while the police were nearby.\nInvestigators who stopped Williams on the bridge noticed gloves and a 24-inch nylon cord sitting in the passenger seat. According to investigators, the cord looked similar to ligature marks found on Cater and other victims, but the cord was never taken into evidence for analysis. Adding to a growing list of suspicious circumstances, Williams had handed out flyers in predominantly black neighborhoods calling for young people ages 11–21 to audition for his new singing group that he called Gemini. Williams failed an FBI-administered polygraph examination, though polygraph results are not admissible as evidence in criminal courts.Fibers from a carpet in the Williams residence were found to match those observed on two of the victims. Additional fibers from the Williams's home, vehicles, and pet dog were later matched to fibers discovered on other victims. Furthermore, witness Robert Henry claimed to have seen Williams holding hands and walking with Nathaniel Cater on the night Cater is believed to have died.On June 21, 1981, Williams was arrested. A grand jury indicted him for first-degree murder in the deaths of Nathaniel Cater and Jimmy Ray Payne, aged 22. The trial date was set for early 1982.\nWhen the news of Williams's arrest was officially released (his status as a suspect had previously been leaked to the media), FBI Agent John E. Douglas stated that, if it was Williams, then he was \"looking pretty good for a good percentage of the killings.\" Douglas had previously conducted an interview with People magazine about profiling the killer as a young black man. This was widely reported as the FBI effectively declaring Williams guilty, and Douglas was officially censured by the Director of the FBI.\n\nTrial\nJury selection began on December 28, 1981, and it lasted six days. Nine women and three men comprised the jury, among them were eight African Americans and four Caucasians.\nThe trial officially began on January 6, 1982, with Judge Clarence Cooper presiding. The most important evidence against Williams was the fiber analysis between the victims who he was indicted for murdering, Jimmy Ray Payne and Nathaniel Cater, and the 12 pattern-murder cases in which circumstantial evidence culminated in numerous links between the crimes. This evidence included witnesses who testified that they had seen Williams with the victims, and some witnesses suggested that he had solicited sexual favors.The prosecution's presentation of the case has been criticized, to the extent that in some jurisdictions it might have resulted in a mistrial. In particular, two separate FBI special agents testified that the chances of the victims not having come into contact with Williams was \"virtually impossible,\" based solely on the comparative rarity of the fibers which were found on the victims which seemed to match the fibers which were found in the suspect's car and home. After reviewing the case, Georgia Supreme Court Justice George T. Smith deemed the evidence, or the lack thereof, inadmissible.On February 27, 1982, after 11 hours of deliberation, the jury found Wayne Bertram Williams guilty of the two murders. He was sentenced to two consecutive life terms in Georgia's Hancock State Prison in Sparta.\n\nLater developments\nIn a September 1986 issue of American music magazine Spin, journalists Robert Keating and Barry Michael Cooper (the latter of whom would later find fame as a screenwriter) reported that the Georgia Bureau of Investigation – who had been conducting a secret investigation into potential involvement of the Ku Klux Klan in the crimes, in tandem to that of the Special Task Force on Missing and Murdered Children – discovered members of the group may have been involved in the murder of victim Lubie Geter, and may have been linked to the murders of fourteen others. Allegedly, a family of Klansmembers living outside of Atlanta had hoped to ignite a race war in Atlanta, and attempted to recruit others for this purpose. Charles T. Sanders, a narcotics dealer and recruiter for the group, was said to have told a criminal informant he intended to kill Geter several weeks before his body was found. After Geter had backed a go-cart into his car, Sanders allegedly told the informant \"I'm gonna kill that black bastard. I'm gonna strangle him with my dick.\" Shortly thereafter, Sander's brother Don was recorded telling another Klan member he was going out to look for \"another little boy.\" Additionally, Charles Sanders was said to have a scar matching a description given by an eyewitness who reported seeing Geter enter the car of a White man with a \"jagged scar on his neck,\" and a dog with similar hair to that found on Geter's and other victims' bodies. The article reported that, in 1981, members of the GBI and officials in other law enforcement agencies opted to close their investigation and seal their findings, before a handwritten transcript of a conversation between Klansmembers regarding Geter's murder was sent anonymously to Lynn Whatley in 1985, an attorney who was then representing Wayne Williams. At a 1991 hearing on Williams' request for a new trial, wherein he was represented by attorneys Alan Dershowitz, William Kunstler, and Bobby Lee Cook, investigators from both Atlanta and Georgia law-enforcement agencies testified they had little or no knowledge of the GBI's investigation. At the same hearing, an informant for the GBI reported that in 1981, Charles Sanders had admitted to killing Geter while Whitaker was wearing a concealed microphone.In May 2004, about six months after becoming the DeKalb County Police Chief in November 2003, Louis Graham reopened the investigations into the deaths of the five DeKalb County victims: 10-year-old Aaron Wyche, 13-year-old Curtis Walker, 9-year-old Yusuf Bell, 17-year-old William Barrett, and 11-year-old Patrick Baltazar. Graham, one of the original investigators in these cases, said he doubted that Wayne Williams, the man convicted of two of the killings and blamed for 22 others, was guilty of all of them. On June 21, 2006, the DeKalb County Police dropped its reinvestigation of the Atlanta child murders. After resigning, Graham was replaced by the acting chief, Nick Marinelli, who said, \"We dredged up what we had, and nothing has panned out, so until something does or additional evidence comes our way, or there's forensic feedback from existing evidence, we will continue to pursue the [other] cold cases that are [with]in our reach.\"Criminal profiler John E. Douglas said that, while he believes that Williams committed many of the murders, he does not think that he committed them all. Douglas added that he believes that law enforcement authorities have some idea of who the other killers are, cryptically adding, \"It isn't a single offender, and the truth isn't pleasant.\"On January 29, 2007, attorneys for the State of Georgia agreed to allow DNA testing of the dog hair that was used to help convict Williams. This decision was a response to a legal filing as a part of Williams' efforts to appeal his conviction and life sentences. Williams' lawyer, Jack Martin, asked a Fulton County Superior Court judge to allow DNA tests on canine and human hair and blood, stating the results might help Williams win a new trial.\nOn June 26, 2007, the DNA test results showed that the hairs on the bodies contained the same mitochondrial DNA sequence as Williams' dog — a sequence that occurs in only about 1 out of 100 dogs. Dr. Elizabeth Wictum, director of the UC Davis laboratory that carried out the testing, told The Associated Press that while the results were \"fairly significant,\" they \"don't conclusively point to Williams' dog as the source of the hair\" because the lab was able to test only for mitochondrial DNA, which, unlike nuclear DNA, cannot be shown to be unique to one dog.Later in 2007, the FBI performed DNA tests on two human hairs found on one of the victims. The mitochondrial DNA sequence in the hairs would eliminate 99.5% of persons by not matching their DNA. The mitochondrial DNA sequence in the hairs would eliminate 98% of African American persons by not matching their DNA. However, they matched Williams' DNA and so did not eliminate the possibility that the hairs were his.On March 21, 2019, Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms and Atlanta Police Chief Erika Shields announced that officials would re-test evidence from the murders, which will be gathered by the Atlanta Police Department, Fulton County District Attorney's Office, and Georgia Bureau of Investigation. In a news conference, Mayor Bottoms said, \"It may be there is nothing left to be tested. But I do think history will judge us by our actions and we will be able to say we tried.\"As of 2019, Wayne Williams continues to maintain his innocence.\n\nKnown victims\nMedia coverage and adaptations\nThe first national media coverage of the case was in 1980, when a team from ABC News 20/20, Stanhope Gould and Bill Lichtenstein, producer Steve Tello, and correspondent Bob Sirkin from the ABC Atlanta bureau looked into the case. They were assigned to the story after ABC News president Roone Arledge read a tiny story in the newspaper that said police had ruled out any connection between a daycare explosion, which turned out to be a faulty furnace, and the cases of lost and missing children, which had been previously unreported in the national media. In a week, the team reported on the dead and missing children, and they broke the story that the Atlanta Police Task Force was not writing down or following up on every lead they received through the police hotline that had been set up.In 1981, British novelist Martin Amis published \"The Killings in Atlanta\" for The Observer, later compiled into The Moronic Inferno: And Other Visits to America (1986).\nIn 1982, writer Martin Pasko dedicated an issue of the comic book Saga of the Swamp Thing to \"the good people of Atlanta, that they may put the horror behind them...but not forget.\" The story revolved around a serial killer who targeted minority children in the fictional town of Pineboro, Arkansas, who is revealed to be a demon who had possessed TV host \"Uncle Barney\" (a thinly veiled parody of Fred Rogers). While the demon is ultimately vanquished, the story ends on an ominous note criticizing the social inequalities that made the non-white children such attractive targets, as well as children's television shows that encourage blind trust of strangers.In 1985, the television miniseries The Atlanta Child Murders was released. The film was centered around the murders and the arrest of the suspect. The film revolved mainly around the aftermath of the killings and the trials. The film starred Calvin Levels, Morgan Freeman, James Earl Jones, Rip Torn, Jason Robards, Martin Sheen, and Bill Paxton. Atlanta officials criticized the film, claiming that it distorted the facts of the case. After a series of negotiations, CBS executives agreed to insert a disclaimer alerting viewers that the film is based on fact but contains fictional elements.\nAlso in 1985, James Baldwin published The Evidence of Things Not Seen, a non-fiction examination not only of the case and Williams' trial, but also of race relations in Atlanta and, by extension, America. The book grew out of an assignment to write about the murders for Playboy, commissioned by then-editor Walter Lowe.In 2000, Showtime released a drama film titled Who Killed Atlanta's Children? starring James Belushi and Gregory Hines.In 2002, Tayari Jones published the novel Leaving Atlanta. The book focuses on the lives and experiences of three fictional fifth graders at Oglethorpe Elementary School, Tasha Baxter, Rodney Green, and Octavia Fuller, during the murder spree. During the time of the murders, Jones attended Oglethorpe Elementary School and was classmates with two of the real-life victims, Yusuf Bell and Terry Pue.\nOn June 10, 2010, CNN broadcast a documentary, The Atlanta Child Murders, with interviews by Soledad O'Brien with some of the people involved, including Wayne Williams. The two-hour documentary invited viewers to weigh the evidence presented and then go to CNN.com to cast votes on whether Williams was guilty, whether he was innocent, or if the case was \"not proven.\" 68.6% of respondents said Williams was guilty, 4.3% said he was innocent, and 27.1% chose \"not proven.\"In the 2016 song \"the ends\" by American rapper Travis Scott featuring American rapper André 3000, on the former's second studio album, Birds in the Trap Sing McKnight, Atlanta-native André 3000 raps about the killings.\nIn January 2018, documentary filmmaker Payne Lindsey began releasing a podcast called Atlanta Monster, covering the murders with interviews from family members of victims, law enforcement officials, individuals alive in the Atlanta area at the time of the murders, and Wayne Williams.\nThe second season of Mindhunter (released in August 2019) covers the murders. The series, which is focused on the history of the FBI's Behavioral Science Unit (BSU) builds that dramatic arc of the series over the FBI's two BSU agents who join the Atlanta investigation. In the series fictional treatment, Agent Ford has the role of insisting that the 13 murders (at the time of the series arc) they are investigating are the work of one single serial killer, and that to gain the victims' trust, he may be African-American himself. This line of deduction clashes with that of his colleague Agent Tench, the Atlanta Police Department, and the African-American community of Atlanta – many of whom believe, in light of Georgia's history of hate crimes and racial violence, that the killings are the work of the Ku Klux Klan.The Atlanta Child Murders, a three-part documentary series produced by Will Packer Productions, aired on Investigation Discovery in March 2019.In April 2020, HBO released a 5-part documentary titled Atlanta's Missing and Murdered: The Lost Children, directed by Sam Pollard and Maro Chermayeff.\nHBO's documentary revealed information that focused heavily on the appellate process of the case against Wayne Williams. Williams' attorneys filed a habeas corpus document and it was denied. Similarly, his request for a retrial was denied in 2004.\n\nSee also\nList of fugitives from justice who disappeared\nPost–civil rights era in African-American history\nPassage 5:\nMichael Swango\nMichael Joseph Swango (born October 21, 1954) is an American serial killer and licensed physician who is estimated to have been involved in as many as 60 fatal poisonings of patients and colleagues, although he admitted to only causing four deaths. He was sentenced in 2000 to three consecutive life terms without the possibility of parole and is serving his sentence at ADX Florence at his own request.\n\nEarly life\nMichael Swango was born in Tacoma, Washington and raised in Quincy, Illinois, the middle child of Muriel and John Virgil Swango. Swango's father was a career United States Army officer who served in the Vietnam War, was listed in Who's Who in Government 1972–1973, and became an alcoholic. Upon his return from Vietnam, John Swango became depressed and he and his wife Muriel divorced. Growing up, Swango saw little of his father and as a result was closer to his mother. He was valedictorian of his 1972 Quincy Catholic Boys High School class. During high school, he played clarinet in the band.\nSwango served in the Marine Corps, graduating from recruit training at Marine Corps Recruit Depot, San Diego. He received an honorable discharge in 1980. He saw no action overseas during his service, but his training in the Marines left him with a commitment to physical exercise. When not studying, he was frequently seen jogging or performing calisthenics on the Quincy University campus and he was known to perform pushups as a form of self-punishment when criticized by instructors. Swango graduated from Quincy summa cum laude and was given the American Chemical Society Award. Following his graduation, Swango went to medical school at Southern Illinois University School of Medicine (SIU).: 28 Swango displayed troubling behavior during his time at SIU. Although he was a brilliant student, he preferred to work as an ambulance attendant rather than concentrate on his studies. A fascination with dying patients was observed during this time. Barely noticed at the time, many of Swango's assigned patients ended up \"coding\", or suffering life-threatening emergencies, with at least five of them dying.Swango's lackadaisical approach to his studies caught up with him a month before he was due to graduate, when it was discovered that he had faked checkups during his OB/GYN rotation. Some of his fellow students had suspected he had been faking checkups as early as his second year, but this was the first time he had been caught. He was nearly expelled, but was allowed to remain when one member of the committee voted to give him a second chance. At the time, a unanimous vote was required for a student to be dismissed. Even earlier, several students and faculty members had raised concerns about Swango's competence to practice medicine. Eventually, the school allowed him to graduate one year after his entering classmates, on condition that he repeat the OB/GYN rotation and complete several assignments in other specialties.\n\nMurders\nDespite a very poor evaluation in his dean's letter from SIU, Swango gained a surgical internship at Ohio State University Medical Center in 1983, to be followed by a residency in neurosurgery. While he worked in Rhodes Hall at OSU, nurses noticed that apparently healthy patients began dying mysteriously with alarming frequency. Each time, Swango had been the floor intern. One nurse caught him injecting some \"medicine\" into a patient who later became strangely ill.The nurses reported their concerns to administrators but were met with accusations of paranoia. Swango was cleared by a cursory investigation in 1984. However, his work had been so slovenly that OSU pulled its residency offer after his internship ended in June. Later, it emerged that OSU officials feared that Swango would sue if he were fired without cause, and resolved to quietly push him out of the hospital as soon as possible after his internship ended.In July 1984, Swango returned to Quincy and began working as an emergency medical technician with the Adams County Ambulance Corps even though he had been fired from an ambulance service in Springfield for making a heart patient drive to the hospital. Soon, many of the paramedics on staff began noticing that whenever Swango prepared the coffee or brought any food in, several of them usually became violently ill, with no apparent cause. In October of that year, Swango was arrested by the Quincy Police Department after arsenic and other poisons were found in his possession. On August 23, 1985, Swango was convicted of aggravated battery for poisoning co-workers. He was sentenced to five years' imprisonment.Swango's conviction led to recriminations at OSU. A scathing review by law school dean James Meeks concluded that the hospital should have called in the police, and also revealed several glaring shortcomings in its initial investigation of Swango. Nonetheless, it was another decade before OSU formally conceded it should have called in outside investigators. Prosecutors in Franklin County, Ohio (where Columbus is located) also considered bringing charges of murder and attempted murder against Swango, but they decided against it for lack of physical evidence.In 1989, Swango was released from prison. He worked as a counselor at the state career development center in Newport News, Virginia. However, he was forced out after being caught working on a scrapbook of disasters on work time. Swango then worked as a laboratory technician in Newport News for ATICoal (which later became Vanguard Energy, a division of CITA Logistics). During his time there, several employees sought medical attention with complaints of persistent and increasing stomach pains. Around this time, Swango met Kristin Lynn Kinney, a nurse at Riverside Hospital. The couple fell in love and planned to marry. He was employed until 1991, when he resigned his position to seek out a new position as a doctor.\n\nIn 1991, Swango legally changed his name to Daniel J. Adams and tried to apply for a residency program at Ohio Valley Medical Center in Wheeling, West Virginia. In July 1992, he began working at Sanford USD Medical Center in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. In both cases, Swango forged several legal documents that he used to reestablish himself as a physician and respected member of society. He forged a fact sheet from the Illinois Department of Corrections that falsified his criminal record, stating that he had been convicted of a misdemeanor for getting into a fistfight with a co-worker and received six months in prison, rather than the five years for felony poisoning that he served.\nMost states will not grant a medical license to a violent felon, considering such a conviction to be evidence of unprofessional conduct. He forged a Restoration of Civil Rights letter from Virginia Governor Gerald L. Baliles, falsely stating that Baliles had decided to restore Swango's right to vote and serve on a jury, based on \"reports from friends and colleagues\" that he had committed no further crimes after his \"misdemeanor\" and was leading an \"exemplary lifestyle\".Swango established a sterling reputation at Sanford. However, when he attempted to join the American Medical Association (AMA), it conducted a more thorough background check than Sanford and found out about the poisoning conviction. That Thanksgiving Day, the Discovery Channel aired an episode of Justice Files that included a segment on Swango. Amid the AMA report and calls from frightened colleagues, Sanford fired Swango. Kinney went back to Virginia soon afterward after suffering from violent migraines. After she left Swango, the headaches stopped.\nThe AMA temporarily lost track of Swango, who managed to find a place in the psychiatric residency program at the Stony Brook University School of Medicine in New York. His first rotation was in the internal medicine department at the Veterans Affairs Medical Center in Northport, New York. Once again, his patients began dying for no explicable reason. Four months later, Kinney died by suicide and arsenic was found in her body at the time of her death.Kinney's mother, Sharon Cooper, was horrified to find out that a person with Swango's history could be allowed to practice medicine. She contacted a friend of Kinney who was a nurse at Sanford, who in turn alerted Sanford's dean, Robert Talley, to Swango's whereabouts. Talley telephoned Jordan Cohen, the dean at Stony Brook. Under intense questioning from the head of Stony Brook's psychiatry department, Alan Miller, Swango admitted he had lied about his poisoning conviction in Illinois. He was immediately fired. The public outcry resulted in Cohen and Miller being forced to resign before the end of the year. Before he resigned, Cohen sent a warning about Swango to all 125 medical schools and all 1,000 teaching hospitals across the US, effectively blacklisting Swango from getting a medical residency at any American institution.Since the latest Swango incident took place at a Veterans Affairs facility, federal authorities got involved. Swango dropped out of sight until mid-1994, when the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) found out he was living in Atlanta and working as a chemist at a computer equipment company's wastewater facility. Soon after the FBI alerted the company, Swango was fired for lying on his job application. The FBI obtained a warrant charging Swango with using fraudulent credentials to gain entry to a Veterans Affairs hospital.By that time, Swango had fled the country. In November 1994, he settled in Zimbabwe and used forged documents to obtain a job at Mnene Lutheran Mission Hospital in the center of the country. Again, his patients began dying mysteriously. As a result of suspicions of the medical director there, Dr. Christopher Zishiri, Swango was suspended. Because of the failure to perform adequate autopsies, no firm conclusions could be drawn.\nDuring his suspension, Swango hired lawyer David Coltart to enable him to return to clinical practice. He also appealed to the authorities at Mpilo Hospital, Bulawayo, to allow him in the interim to continue working voluntarily there; however, this was opposed by Abdollah Mesbah, a surgical resident, who had often found him snooping around mysteriously in the wards and in the intensive care unit (ICU) even when not on call. He had suspected that sudden deaths of some patients were due to Swango, but had no proof at that stage.\nAt this time, Swango rented a room in Bulawayo from a widowed woman who subsequently became violently sick after a meal she had prepared for herself and a friend. The woman consulted a local surgeon, Michael Cotton, who suspected arsenic poisoning and persuaded her to send hair samples for forensic analysis to Pretoria, South Africa. These clippings confirmed toxic levels of arsenic in the hair. The lab reports were passed on by the Zimbabwe Republic Police Criminal Investigation Department (CID) through Interpol to the FBI, who subsequently visited Zimbabwe to interview Cotton and the pathologist in Bulawayo, Stanford Mathe.In the meantime, Swango had sensed that authorities were closing in on him. He crossed the border to Zambia and subsequently to Namibia, where he found temporary medical work. He was charged in absentia with poisonings. In March 1997, he applied for a job at the Royal Hospital in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, using a false résumé.\n\nArrest and guilty plea\nWhile this was happening, Tom Valery, chief investigator for the Office of Inspector General of the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), consulted with Charlene Thomesen, a forensic psychiatrist. Because of her considerable clinical expertise, Thomesen was able to review documents and evidence and give a criminal profile of Swango, along with her assessment of why he had committed such crimes. Valery was called by the FBI to discuss holding Swango. He called Richard Thomesen, who was stationed in the DEA's Manhattan field office to discuss the case. Thomesen's conversation focused on Swango lying on his government application to work at the VA, where he prescribed narcotic medications. There was enough evidence for Immigration and Naturalization Service agents to arrest Swango in June 1997, on a layover at Chicago O'Hare International Airport on his way to Saudi Arabia.Faced with hard evidence of his fraudulent activities and the possibility of an extended inquiry into his time in Zimbabwe, Swango pleaded guilty to defrauding the government in March 1998. In July 1998, he was sentenced to three-and-a-half years in prison. The sentencing judge ordered that Swango not be allowed to prepare or deliver food, or have any involvement in preparing or distributing drugs.Although the FBI, the VA, and prosecutors for the Eastern District of New York were convinced Swango was a serial killer, they knew it would be difficult to prove beyond a reasonable doubt. They also knew that they had a limited amount of time to amass that proof. Federal inmates must serve at least 85 percent of their sentences before being eligible for time off with good behavior, meaning that they likely had only three years to prove that Swango was indeed a murderer. They feared that if they could not find enough evidence to convict Swango, he would likely kill again. The government used this time to amass a dossier of Swango's crimes. As part of that investigation, prosecutors exhumed the bodies of three patients and found poisonous chemicals in them. They also found evidence that Swango paralyzed patient Baron Harris with an injection of what was supposedly a sedative. The sedative caused him to lapse into a coma, and Harris died on November 9, 1993.Additionally, prosecutors found evidence that Swango lied about the death of Cynthia Ann McGee, a patient he treated during his internship at OSU. Swango claimed she suffered heart failure; he had killed her by giving her a potassium injection that stopped her heart. On July 11, 2000, less than a week before he was due to be released from prison on the fraud charge, federal prosecutors on Long Island, New York, filed a criminal complaint charging Swango with three counts of murder and one count each of assault, false statements, mail fraud, and conspiracy to commit wire fraud. At the same time, Zimbabwean authorities charged him with poisoning seven patients, five of whom died. A week before the indictment was handed up, FBI agents interviewed Swango in prison. They told him that on the day he was due to be released, he would be extradited to Zimbabwe to face charges of murder and attempted murder. Knowing that he would likely face the death penalty for his crimes in Zimbabwe, Swango began talks for a plea agreement. Eventually, prosecutors agreed to not pursue the death penalty or extradition in return for Swango accepting a sentence of life in prison without parole.Swango was formally indicted on July 17, 2000, and pleaded not guilty. On September 6, he pleaded guilty to the three murder counts, as well as counts of wire fraud and mail fraud, before Judge Jacob Mishler. At his sentencing hearing, Swango admitted to causing three murders, lying about his role in causing a fourth death, and lying about his 1985 conviction.Prosecutors read lurid passages from Swango's notebook, describing the joy he felt during his crimes. Judge Mishler sentenced Swango to three consecutive terms of life without parole. He is incarcerated at ADX Florence. He was sent to ADX at his own request; he had been stabbed by another inmate while serving time for lying to the VA, and feared he would be attacked again if he were placed in general population. In his book Blind Eye, Quincy native James B. Stewart estimated that counting the suspicious deaths at SIU, circumstantial evidence links Swango to 35 suspicious deaths. The FBI believes he may be responsible for as many as 60 deaths, which would make him one of the most prolific serial killers in American history.\n\nModus operandi\nSwango rarely changed his murder methods. With non-patients, such as his coworkers at the emergency medical service, he used poisons, usually arsenic, slipping them into foods and beverages. With patients, he sometimes used poisons as well, but usually, he administered an overdose of whichever drug the patient had been prescribed, or wrote unnecessary prescriptions for dangerous drugs.\n\nSee also\nList of serial killers in the United States\nList of medical and pseudo-medical serial killers\nJohn Bodkin Adams – British doctor and suspected serial killer\nH. H. Holmes\nJayant Patel\nHarold Shipman – doctor and Britain's most prolific serial killer\nBeverley Allitt\nLainz Angels of Death\nMalmö Östra hospital murders\n2011 Stepping Hill Hospital poisoning incident\nNiels Högel – German nurse who murdered approximately 100 patients\nChristina Aistrup Hansen\nDonald Harvey – American serial killer of medical background that, like Swango, used cyanide (among other poisons) in his murders",6  "char_len": 77861,7  "document_hash": "295d60b2f7e6ab1d5d9f9db6da13318561608f2d10a434af003cb62d636c3d11",8  "questions": [9    {10      "question_id": "q00",11      "qtype": "hotpotqa",12      "question": "Who did Fredric Rieders tesify agains who had killed as many as 60 patients and recieved three consecutive life terms to be served in Florence Colorado?"13    }14  ]15}